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ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

MBW  YORK  •    BOSTON   •    CHICAGO  •    DALLAS 
ATLANTA  •    SAN  FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limitkd 

LONDON  •    BOMBAY  •    CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNS 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


ALBANIA 

PAST  AND  PRESENT 


BY 
CONST ANTINE  A.  CHEKREZI,  A.B.  (Harv.) 


INTRODUCTION 
By  CHARLES  D.   HAZEN 

Professor  of  Modern  History,  Columbia  University 


WITH  TWO  MAPS 


y 


JI3etti  gotb 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 
1919 

AM  rights  reserved 


Copyright,  1919 
By  the  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published,  April,  1919 


sei 


701 
556^ 


TO 

MISS  M.  E.  DURHAM, 

"Princess  of  the  Albanian  Highlands, 

LIEUT.-COL.  AUBREY  HERBERT, 

MR.  HARRY  LAMB, 

H.  B.  M.  Delegate  to  the  International  Commission 

of  Control  for  Albania, 

THIS  BOOK  IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED 


PREFACE 

''Mysterious  country,"  ''Land  of  Miracles," 
"Unknown  Albania,"  "Darker  than  dark  Africa"; 
here  are  only  a  few  whimsical  names  that  are  given 
to  the  country  which  is  inhabited  by  the  oldest  people 
in  Southeastern  Europe. 

It  was  only  some  time  ago  that  a  well-meaning 
editor  of  a  leading  newspaper  of  New  York  crowned 
with  the  additional  heading  "The  Riddle  of  Al- 
bania" the  caption  of  an  article  on  that  country  writ- 
ten by  the  author.  On  another  and  more  interesting 
occasion,  a  letter  addressed  to  the  British  Consulate 
of  Scutari,  the  principal  city  of  Northern  Albania, 
was  shipped  across  the  ocean  to  Albany,  N.  Y. ;  the 
humorous  postmaster  of  the  latter  city  returned  it 
with  the  note  "Try  Europe." 

But  it  must  be  said  that  this  incident  took  place 
some  twelve  years  ago,  and  matters  have  consider- 
ably changed  since.  During  the  present  decade 
people  began  to  be  more  familiar  with  the  name  of 
Albania,  as  a  result  of  the  prominence  she  has  won 
in  our  days  in  the  field  of  international  politics. 
Barely  six  years  ago  the  Albanian  problem  threat- 
ened twice  to  precipitate  an  European  war,  and  the 
outbreak  of  the  last  general  conflagration  had  its  in- 
direct origin  in  the  vicissitudes  of  the  same  problem. 
And  there  are  signs  that  the  end  of  complications  has 
not  been  reached  yet. 

Still,  the  mystery  enveloping  Albania  has  not  as 


viii  PREFACE 

yet  been  resolutely  pierced  through.  Even  to-day 
people  are  entertaining  the  most  wild  fancies  about 
the  actual  conditions  of  Albania,  and  very  hazy  no- 
tions are  prevalent  about  her  existence.  This  is 
especially  true  to  her  history,  past  and  present. 
About  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  ethnologists 
and  historians,  of  the  caliber  and  reputation  of  Hahn, 
Muller,  Meyer  and  others,  devoted  much  of  their  time 
to  researches  in  the  interesting  field  of  the  origin  of 
the  Albanian  race.  But  their  erudite  findings  were 
speedily  forgotten,  and  it  was  not  till  very  recently 
that  a  lively  interest  has  been  manifested  in  the  Al- 
banian question,  owing,  as  it  has  been  already  said, 
to  the  preponderant  role  played  by  Albania  in  inter- 
national politics. 

Yet,  there  is  no  doubt  to-day  that  the  Albanian  is 
the  oldest  race  in  the  Balkans.  But,  as  Mr.  J.  D. 
Bourchier  puts  it  in  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica, 
"the  determination  with  which  this  remarkable  race 
has  maintained  its  mountain  strongholds  through  a 
long  series  of  ages  has  hitherto  met  with  scant  ap- 
preciation in  the  outside  world."  When  the  Al- 
banian question  came  up  for  settlement  in  1912,  as 
a  result  of  the  first  Balkan  war,  there  were  people 
who  denied  even  the  existence  of  such  a  question. 
Yet  that  year  marked  the  advent  of  Albania  in  the 
world  politics  with  all  the  complications  that  it  en- 
gendered. Even  so,  the  problem  of  Albania  is  a 
closed  book,  not  only  to  the  general  public,  but  also 
to  people  who  are  keenly  interested  in  it. 

This  ignorance  of  the  affairs  of  Albania  is  due  not 
to  any  lack  of  interest  in  them,  in  our  owm  days  at 
least,  but  to  the  want  of  a  comprehensive  and  handy 
treatise  on  Albania.    It  is  true  that  there  is  a  great 


PREFACE  ix 

number  of  books  relating  to  her,  but  they  are  either 
written  by  amateur  writers  who  are  wont  to  specu- 
late on  things  they  know  very  little  about,  or  they 
are  only  monographs  and  sketches  which  fail  to  sat- 
isfy the  desire  for  general  information.  This  is 
particularly  true  with  regard  to  books  on  Albania 
in  both  English  and  French,  while  the  German  and 
Italian  treatises  on  the  same  subject  leave  very  lit- 
tle to  be  desired.  Another  serious  handicap  to  ob- 
taining general  information  about  Albania  is  that 
the  respective  writings  are  scattered  in  a  great  num- 
ber of  books  which  a  layman  is  not  expected  to  be 
able  to  handle  systematically. 

The  idea  of  writing  this  book  on  Albania  has  been 
first  suggested  to  the  writer  by  his  instructors  of 
the  Department  of  History  at  Harvard  University, 
in  especial  by  Prof.  A.  C.  Coolidge,  Lecturer  on  the 
Eastern  Question,  who  deeply  lamented  the  lack  of 
such  a  treatise  in  the  English  language.  In  the 
course  of  his  studies  at  the  said  Institution,  the 
writer  had  an  occasion  to  write  a  number  of  theses 
and  reports  on  what  is  the  terra  incognita  of  the  his- 
tory of  Albania,  her  contemporary  history  and  actual 
conditions.  It  is,  therefore,  fair  to  say  that  this 
book  is  largely  based  on  those  theses  and  reports,  so 
far  as  the  present  decade  is  concerned. 

Chapters  I  to  VI  are  based  mainly  on  the  re- 
searches of  Dr.  Johann  Georg  von  Hahn,  the  fore- 
most Albanologist,  as  set  forth  in  his  admirable 
*'Albanische  Studien,"  and  on  the  excellent  book 
''Albania"  of  Eug£ni£_^arbarich.  We,  neverthe- 
less, give  also  the  original  sources  in  the  References, 
which  cover  entirely  the  field  of  discussion. 

A   part   of   Chapter   VI   and    Chapter   VII   are 


X  PREFACE 

founded  on  original  work  done  by  the  writer.  They 
constitute  a  part  of  the  terra  incognita  of  the  Al- 
banian history. 

Part  II  constitutes  the  personal  experiences  of  the 
writer  who  was  living  in  Albania  at  the  time  the 
events  described  therein  took  place.  They  are 
strongly  supported  by  the  periodical  articles  written 
on  the  occasion  by  well-known  European  publicists. 
Certain  sections  of  this  part  are  bitterly  contro- 
verted, and  the  writer  feels  it  to  be  his  duty  to  recom- 
mend the  reader  to  pay  especial  attention  to  the 
collateral  sources  as  given  in  the  References.  For 
the  angry  contest  in  regard  to  Southern  Albania  or 
"Northern  Epirus"  and  the  respective  Albanian 
and  Greek  claims,  the  writings  of  Messrs.  H.  N. 
Brailsford,  H.  Charles  Woods,  and  M.  Leon  La- 
mouche  are  authoritative.  The  history  of  Albania 
during  this  period  is  given  for  the  first  time  in  a 
systematic  way  which  covers  the  most  interesting 
events  relating  to  the  making  and  unmaking  of  the 
Albanian  State.  They  constitute  the  high-water 
mark  of  the  pre-war  European  diplomacy. 

Of  Part  III,  the  first  three  chapters  are  based  on 
the  references  as  given  therein,  with  a  good  deal 
of  personal  observations  resulting  from  inside  in- 
formation, while  the  subject-matter  of  Chapter  XVII 
has  never  been  touched  upon  before. 

"We  hope  that  this  modest  book  will  satisfy  to 
some  extent  the  daily  manifested  desire  for  general 
information  about  this  "mysterious"  and  "un- 
known" Albania,  with  special  reference  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Great  Britain  among  whom  she  is  regarded 
as  somewhat  of  a  pet  nation,  according  to  Sir 
Thomas  Holdich's  statement  in  his  "  Boundaries  in 


PREFACE  XI 

Europe  and  the  Near  East,"  despite  the  fact  that 
very  little  is  known  about  her. 

The  writer  feels  the  necessity  of  excusing  himself 
for  not  having  produced  something  better  and  for 
the  literary  shortcomings  that  may  be  discovered  in 
the  text.  But  if  one  takes  into  consideration  the 
nature  of  the  enterprise,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
fact  that  the  writer  could  not  have  possibly  mastered 
the  English  language  during  the  four  years  he  has 
been  in  the  United  States,  there  would  be  ample  rea- 
son for  his  being  excused. 

Acknowledgment  of  thanks  should  be  made  to 
Prof.  J.  B.  Moore  for  the  kind  assistance  he  has 
given  to  the  writer,  and  to  Mr.  H.  F.  Munro,  Lec- 
turer on  European  and  American  Diplomacy  at  Co- 
lumbia University,  for  the  helpful  suggestions  he 
has  made  in  going  over  the  manuscripts. 

C.  A.  C. 
Columbia  University, 
New  York  City, 
January,  1919. 


INTRODUCTION 

In  the  general  readjustment  of  the  world  which 
constitutes  the  work  of  the  Conference  of  Paris  the 
problem  of  the  future  of  Albania  necessarily  has  its 
place.  That  question  cannot  be  ignored  nor  can  it 
be  postponed  as  it  is  inextricably  involved  with 
questions  of  such  commanding  and  insistent  impor- 
tance as  those  of  the  future  of  the  Adriatic,  the  fu- 
ture of  the  Balkans.  It  is  a  question  that  cannot 
be  evaded  and  that  must  be  answered  in  one  way 
or  another.  But  apart  from  its  connection  with  the 
interlocking  elements  of  the  politics  of  south- 
eastern Europe,  apart  from  its  intimate  filiation 
with  the  future  of  Greece  and  Jugoslavia  and  Italy, 
apart  from  the  fact  that  the  destinies  of  each  are 
intertwined  with  the  destinies  of  all,  it  also  remains 
true  that  Albania  has  a  primary  set  of  interests  of 
her  own  which  must  be  clearly  comprehended  and 
justly  appreciated  by  the  Powers  assembled  in  Paris 
for  the  purpose  of  redrawing  the  map  of  Europe. 
And  what  the  rig'hts  of  Albania  are  must  be  learned 
not  through  the  utterances  of  her  neighbors  and 
rivals  and  possible  enemies  but  through  a  more  di- 
rect and  authoritative  medium,  the  voice  of  her  own 
citizens. 

This  is  the  chief  merit  of  Mr.  Chekrezi's  book. 
It  enables  us  to  see  Albania  through  the  eyes  of  an 
Albanian.  For  many  years  the  world  has  heard 
much  about  Albanian  affairs  but  what  it  has  heard 
has  come  almost  exclusively  from  outside  sources, 


xu  INTRODUCTION 

from  Greeks  and  Serbs  and  Montenegrins,  and  from 
the  Great  Powers  which,  for  reasons  of  their  own, 
created  in  1912  and  in  London  the  state  of  Albania 
and  handed  it  over  to  an  unknown  German  prince, 
William  of  Wied.  But  no  people  can  be  the  safe 
interpreter  of  the  needs  and  wishes,  the  rights  and 
aspirations  of  any  other  people,  just  as  no  individ- 
ual can  be  an  authoritative  spokesman  for  any  one 
but  himself.  It  is  therefore  a  satisfaction  and  a 
distinct  advantage  to  have,  at  last,  an  interpretation 
of  the  Albanian  people,  an  exposition  of  Albanian 
history,  a  presentation  of  Albanian  claims,  straight 
from  the  mind  and  heart  of  a  native  of  that  country. 

For  this  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  first  book  by  an 
Albanian  on  Albania,  that  has  appeared  in  the  Eng- 
lish language.  As  such  it  throws  light  upon  mat- 
ters not  too  well  known  to  the  English-reading  pub- 
lic, and  may  furnish,  in  many  particulars,  a  correc- 
tive to  views  more  or  less  widespread.  The  author 
is,  of  course,  alone  responsible  for  his  statements  and 
opinions,  but  that  he  adds  to  our  knowledge  concern- 
ing a  subject  on  which  we  are  none  too  well  in- 
formed, is  the  opinion  of  the  one  who  writes  this 
introduction. 

Mr.  Chekrezi  graduated  in  1909  from  the  Gymna- 
sium of  K'orcha.  Later  he  studied  law  for  a  short 
time  at  the  University  of  Athens  and  then  became 
a  journalist.  When  Albania  was  made  an  inde- 
pendent state  in  1912  he  was  appointed  Interpre- 
ter and  later  Secretary  to  the  International  Com- 
mission of  Control  for  Albania,  created  by  the  Lon- 
don Conference  of  Ambassadors.  He  came  to  the 
United  States  in  November,  1914,  and  has  in  the 
meantime  studied  at  Harvard  College,  from  which 


INTRODUCTION  XV 

he  graduated  in  1918,  receiving  the  degree  of  Bach- 
elor of  Arts. 

The  Albanians  first  brought  the  claims  of  their 
nationality  before  Europe  at  the  Congress  of  Ber- 
lin in  1878.  They  were  roughly  and  summarily 
handled,  Bismarck  bluntly  declaring  that  "There  is 
no  Albanian  nationality."  This  was  one  of  Bis- 
marck's numerous  errors,  as  he  was  to  find  out 
the  following  year  at  the  hands  of  the  Albanians 
themselves.  Albanian  nationalism  has  been  as  true 
and  genuine  an  historic  growth  as  Greek  national- 
ism, or  Serb,  or  Roumanian,  or  Bulgarian.  Al- 
bania is  merely  the  last  of  the  Balkan  States  to 
emerge  from  the  blight  of  five  centuries  of  uncon- 
scionable Turkish  oppression.  Mr.  Chekrezi's  de- 
scription of  the  evolution  of  this  sense  of  nationality 
since  the  Congress  of  Berlin  and  his  account  of  the 
creation  in  1912  of  the  independent  principality  of 
Albania  and  of  its  brief  and  troubled  history  are 
particularly  instructive  and  illuminating. 

Whether  Albania  is  to  be  restored  and  if  so, 
whether  she  is  to  be  completely  independent  or  to 
be  under  the  control,  more  or  less  disguised,  of  Italy 
or  of  other  powers,  whether  she  will  include  within 
her  borders  all  those  of  Albanian  nationality  and 
race  or  only  a  part  of  them,  are  matters  to  be  de- 
cided at  Paris.  But  unless  the  decisions  are  right 
and  just,  it  will  not  conduce  to  peace  in  the  Balkan 
peninsula  nor  will  it  be  likely  to  prove  permanent, 
whatever  may  be  the  pronouncements  or  pretentions 
of  a  league  of  nations.  Acts  of  injustice  or  unrea- 
son may  destroy  a  league  as  they  have  destroyed  in 
the  past  many  an  imposing  empire. 

Charles  Downer  Hazen. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PART  I 
HISTORY  OF  ALBANIA 
CHAPTER  I 
OEIGIN  OF  THE  ALBANIAN  PEOPLE  p^oB 

I.     The  Earliest  Settlers  of  Albania 3 

IT.     The  Albanian  Language 5 

III.    Antiquities 8 

CHAPTER  II 
ANCIENT  ALBANIA 

I.    Early  Period 10 

II.    The  Kingdom  of  Illyria 11 

III.     The  Kingdom  of  Molossia 13 

IV.    Albania  Under  Roman  Domination 15 

CHAPTER  III 
MEDIAEVAL  ALBANIA 

I.    Byzantine  Domination 19 

II.     The  Invasions  op  the  Barbarians 20 

III.    Period  of  Native  Rule — The  Independent  Albanian 

Principalities 21 

1.  The  Despotat  of  Epirus 22 

2.  The  Angevin  'Albanian  Kingdom"     ....  23 

3.  The  Balsha  Family 23 

IV.     The  Albanian  Migrations 24 

CHAPTER  IV 
THE  RULE  OF  THE  CASTRIOTAS 
I.    Feudal  Government 26 


CONTENTa 

PAOE 

II.     George  Casteiota  Scanderbeg 27 

III.     The  Last  Campaigns 33 

CHAPTER  V 
UNDER  TURKISH  DOMINATION 

I.    The  Effects  of  the  Conquest 36 

II.     Convulsions  and  Uprisings 39 

III.  The  Independent  Governors 41 

1.  Mahmud  Pasha  of  Scutari 41 

2.  Ali  Pasha  of  Janina 43 

IV.  Albanians  in  the  Greek  Revolution 47 

CHAPTER  VI 
REGENERATION 

I.     The  Albanian  League 50 

II.  The  Aftermath  op  the  League 53 

III.     The  National  Societies 57 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  AUTONOMY 

1.    The  Albianian  Policy 61 

11.    The  Reign  of  Abdul  Hamid 63 

III.    Albanians  and  Young  Turks 66 

IV.    The  Winning  of  Autonomy 67 


PART  II 
THE  PRINCIPALITY  OF  ALBANIA 

CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  PROCLAMATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

I.  The  Balkan  Alliance 73 

II.  The  Invasion  of  Albania 75 

III.  November  28 77 

IV.  Austria  and  Italy 79 

V.  The  Menace  of  European  War 82 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  LONDON  CONFERENCE  p^gg 

I.     Sir  Edward  Grey 86 

II.    The  Creation  of  the  Albanian  State     ....  87 

III.  The  Question  op  the  Frontiers 90 

1.  Northeastern  Boundary 90 

2.  Southeastern  Boundary 94 

IV.  The  Scutari  Crisis 100 

Note:     Albania  and  Prince  Lichnowski     ....  102 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  NEW  STATE 

I.    The  Provisional  Government 105 

II.    Internal  Reforms 107 

III.  The  Southeastern  Boundary  Commission     .      .     .   Ill 

1.  The  Camouflage  of  Southern  Albania  ....  113 

2.  The  Incident  of  Borova 116 

IV.  Disintegration 120 

V.    The  Election  of  the  Prince 123 


CHAPTER  XI 

INTERNATIONAL  INTERREGNUM 

I.     The  Commission  of  Control 126 

II.    The  Retirement  of  the  Governments  op  Albania    .  127 
III.    Autonomous  Epirus 130 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  REIGN  OF  PRINCE  WILLIAM 

I.  The  First  Steps 136 

II.  War  and  Negotiations 139 

III.  The  Overthrow  of  Essad  Pasha 143 

IV.  The  Uprising  of  Central  Albania 146 

V.  The  End  of  the  Reign 150 


CONTEHiTS 

CHAPTER  XIII 
ALBANIA  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR  ^age 

I.  International  Post-Regnum 155 

II.  The  Government  op  Essad  Pasha 156 

III.  The  Invasion  of  Albania 157 

IV.  The  Republic  of  Korcha 159 

V.  The  Italians  in  Albania 161 


PART  III 

THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE 

CHAPTER  XIV 
GENERAL  GEOGRAPHY 

I.    Area  and  Frontiers 167 

II.    Physical  Features 169 

CHAPTER  XV 
ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS 

I.    Agriculture 173 

II.    Crops  and  Stock  Raising 175 

III.     Commerce 177 

IV.    Mineral  Resources  and  Forests 180 

V.    Finances 181 

VI.    Communications 183 

CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  ALBANIAN  PEOPLE 

I.    Population — Ghegs  and  Tosks 186 

II.    National  Characteristics 188 

III.  Social  Conditions 193 

1.  Northern  Albania 193 

2.  Central  Albania 195 

3.  Southern  Albania 195 

IV.  The  Position  of  Women 198 

V.    The  Religious  Question 200 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

VI.    Albanians  in  Foreign  Lands 205 

The  Albanians  in  Greece 205 

The  Albanians  of  Italy 207 

Albanians  in  Montenegro 209 

Minor  Albanian  Colonies 209 

CHAPTER  XVII 
THE  GROWTH  OF  NATIONALISM 

I.  The  Initial  Steps 211 

II.  In  Foreign  Countries 216 

HI.  Constitution  and  Independence 223 

IV.  The  Albanians  of  America 227 

CHAPTER  XVIII 
THE  FUTURE  OF  ALBANIA    ,      .      .   234-242 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHIES 

Galanti,  Art.,  L' Albania,  Rome,  1901. 
Leqband,  Emple,  Bibliographie  albanaise,  Paris,  1912. 
Manek-Pekmezi-Stotz,  Albanesische  Bibliographie,  Vienna,  1909. 
Vaina,  Eug.,  L'Albania,  pp.  165-176,  Rome,  1915. 


PART  I 

HISTORY  OF  ALBANIA 
(To  THE  Year  1912) 


ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

CHAPTER  I 
ORIGIN  OF  THE  ALBANIAN  PEOPLE 

I.    THE    EARLIEST    SETTLERS    OF    ALBANLA. 

The  question  of  the  origin  of  the  Albanians  is  still 
a  matter  of  controversy  among  the  ethnologists.  A 
great  many  theories  have  been  propounded  in  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  relative  to  the  place  from  which 
the  original  settlers  of  Albania  proceeded  to  their 
present  home.  The  existence  of  another  Albania  in 
the  Caucasus,  the  mystery  in  which  the  derivation 
of  the  name  "Albania"  is  enshrouded,  and  which 
name,  on  the  other  hand,  is  unknown  to  her  people, 
and  the  fact  that  history  and  legend  afford  no  record 
of  the  arrival  of  the  Albanians  in  the  Balkan  Penin- 
sula, have  rendered  the  question  of  their  origin  a 
particularly  difficult  one. 

But,  however  that  may  be,  it  is  generally  recognized 
to-day  that  the  Albanians  are  the  most  ancient  race 
in  southeastern  Europe.  All  indications  point  to 
the  fact  that  they  are  the  descendants  of  the  earliest 
Aryan  immigrants  who  were  represented  in  histor- 
ical times  by  the  kindred  Illyrians,  Macedonians,  and 
Epirots.  According  to  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Hahn,  the 
noted  German  ethnologist  and  linguist,  who  has  made 
the  most  extensive  research  on  the  subject  of  the 

3 


4  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

origin  of  the  Albanians,  the  Macedonians  and  Epi- 
rots  formed  the  core  of  the  pre-Hellenic,  Tyrrheno- 
Pelasgian  population,  which  inhabited  the  southern 
portion  of  the  Peninsula  and  extended  its  limits  to 
Thrace  and  Italy.  The  Illyrians  were  also  Pelas- 
gians,  but  in  a  wider  sense.  Moreover,  Hahn  also 
thinks  that  of  these  cognate  races,  which  are  de- 
scribed by  the  ancient  Greek  writers  as  "barbarous" 
and  "non-Hellenic,", the  Illyrians  were  the  progeni- 
tors of  the  Ghegs,  or  northern  Albanians,  and  the 
Epirots  the  progenitors  of  the  Tosks,  or  southern  Al- 
banians.^ This  opinion  of  Dr.  Hahn  is  borne  out  by 
the  statement  of  Strabo  ^  that  the  Via  Egnatia  or 
^gitana,  which  he  describes  as  forming  the  boun- 
dary between  the  Illyrians  and  the  Epirots,  prac- 
tically corresponds  with  the  course  of  the  river 
Shkumbi,  which  now  separates  the  Ghegs  from  the 
Tosks.  The  same  geographer  states  that  the  Epi- 
rots were  also  called  Pelasgians.^  The  Pelasgian 
Zeus,  whose  memory  survives  even  to-day  in  the 
appellation  of  God  as  "Zot"  by  the  modern  Albani- 
ans, was  worshiped  at  Dodona,  where  the  most  fa- 
mous oracle  of  ancient  times  was  situated.  The 
neighborhood  of  the  sanctuary  was  called  Pelasgia.^ 
On  a  cursory  examination  of  the  terms  "Gheg" 
and  "Tosk,"  it  would  appear  that  the  name  "Tosk" 
is   possibly   identical   with    "Truscus,    Etruscus," 

1  See  pp.  164-166  infra. 

2  Strabo,  Book  VII,  Fragm.  3. 

3  Hid.,  Book  V,  2,  221.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  names  "Epirus" 
and  "Epirots"  are  of  Greek  origin.  The  meaning  attached  to  them 
is  purely  geographical;  they  were  attributed  to  the  southern  portion 
of  Albania  by  the  Greek  colonists  and  writers  in  contradistinction  to 
the  insular  position  of  the  Ionian  Islands.  The  name  Epirus  means 
simply  "mainland"  in  Greek. 

*  Herodotus,  Book  II,  56. 


THE  ALBANIAN  LANGUAGE  5 

while  the  form  ^^Tyxph^mial'  perhaps  survives  in 
Tirana,  the  principal  city  of  Central  Albania,  for 
which  no  other  current  exj)lanation  exists. 

These  findings  of  the  ethnologists  are,  moreover, 
strengthened  by  the  unbroken  traditions  of  the  na- 
tives, who  regard  themselves,  and  with  pride,  as 
the  descendants  of  the  aboriginal  settlers  of  the 
Balkan  Peninsula.  They,  therefore,  think  that  they 
have  the  best  claims  on  it.  It  is  also  on  the  strength 
of  these  traditions  that  the  Albanian  looks  upon  the 
other  Balkan  nationalities  as  mere  intruders  who 
have  expropriated  him  of  much  that  was  properly 
his  own.  Hence  the  constant  border  warfare  which 
has  gone  on  for  centuries  between  the  Albanian  and 
his  neighbors. 

II.    THE    ALBANIAN    LANGUAGE 

A  more  concrete  evidence  of  the  Illyrian-Pelasgian 
origin  of  the  Albanians  is  supplied  by  the  study  of 
the  Albanian  language. 

Notwithstanding  certain  points  of  resemblance  in 
structure  and  phonetics,  the  Albanian  language  is 
entirely  distinct  from  the  tongues  spoken  by  the 
neighboring  nationalities.  This  language  is  partic- 
ularly interesting  as  the  only  surviving  representa- 
tive of  the  so-called  Thraco-Illyrian  group  of  lan- 
guages, which  formed  the  primitive  speech  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  Its  analysis 
presents,  however,  great  difficulties,  as,  owing  to^  the 
absence  of  early  literary  monuments,  no  certainty 
can  be  arrived  at  with  regard  to  its  earlier  forms 
and  later  developments.  The  presence  of  a  large 
number  of  foreign  words  makes  it  difficult  to  decide 
whether  the  mutilated  and  curtailed  forms,  now  in 


6  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

use,  represent  adopted  words  or  belong  to  the  orig- 
inal vocabulary.  Its  groundwork,  however,  so  far 
as  it  can  be  ascertained,  and  the  grammar  are  dis- 
tinctly Indo-European. 

In  the  course  of  time  the  Albanian  language  has 
been  impregnated,  as  it  has  already  been  said,  by 
a  large  number  of  foreign  words,  mainly  of  ancient 
Greek  and  Latin,  which  are  younger  than  the  Al- 
banian language,  but  there  are  certain  indications 
that  the  primitive  Illyrian  language  exerted  a  cer- 
tain degree  of  influence  on  the  grammatical  develop- 
ment of  the  languages  now  spoken  in  the  Balkan 
Peninsula. 

There  is,  however,  a  very  striking  feature  in  this 
whole  matter:  that  the  Albanian  language  affords 
the  only  available  means  for  a  rational  explanation 
of  the  meaning  of  the  names  of  the  ancient  Greek 
gods  as  well  as  of  the  rest  of  the  mythological  crea- 
tions, so  as  exactly  to  correspond  with  the  faculties 
attributed  to  these  deities  by  the  men  of  those  times. 
The  explanations  are  so  convincing  as  to  confirm  the 
opinion  that  the  ancient  Greek  mythology  had  been 
borrowed,  in  its  entirety,  from  the  Illyrian-Pelas- 
gians.  We  have  already  stated  that  the  Zeus  sur- 
vives as  "Zot"  in  the  Albanian  language.  The  in- 
vocation of  his  name  is  the  common  form  of  oath 
among  the  modern  Albanians.  Athena  (the  Latin 
Minerva),  the  goddess  of  wisdom  as  expressed  in 
speech,  would  evidently  owe  its  derivation  to  the 
Albanian  "E  tliena,"  which  simply  means  ''speech." 
Thetis,  the  goddess  of  waters  and  seas,  would  seem 
to  be  but  the  Albanian  "Det"  which  means  " sea.^' 
It  would  be  interesting  to  note  that  the  word 
''Ulysses,"  whether  in  its  Latin  or  the  Greek  form 


THE  ALBANIAN  LANGUAGE  t 

** Odysseus,"  means  *' traveler"  in  the  Albanian  lan- 
guage, according  as  the  word  "udhe,"  which  stands 
for  both  "route"  and  "travel,"  is  written  with  "d" 
or  "1,"  both  forms  being  in  use  in  Albanian.  Such 
examples  may  be  supplied  ad  libitum.  No  such  fa- 
cility is,  however,  afforded  by  the  ancient  Greek 
language,  unless  the  explanation  be  a  forced  and 
distorted  one;  but  in  many  instances  even  such 
forced  and  distorted  one  is  not  available  at  all. 

The  Homeric  poems,  on  the  other  hand,  abound  in 
words  which  survive  only  in  the  actually  spoken  Al- 
banian language.  Nay,  entire  phrases  may  be  taken 
from  Homer  as  typical  Albanian  expressions.  It  is 
to  be  regretted,  indeed,  that  no  attempt  has  been 
made  as  yet  to  interpret  Homer  in  the  light  which 
may  be  thrown  on  the  meaning  of  his  writings  with 
the  aid  of  the  Albanian  language.^  Such  a  com- 
parative study  may  do  much  toward  overcoming 
many  difficulties  of  interpretation,  and,  as  the  Al- 
banian language  is  much  older  than  the  Greek,  a 
great  many  things  may  be  learned  as  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  former  on  the  Homeric  and  subsequent 
Greek  language. 

In  addition,  we  should  not  forget  the  fact  that  Zeus 
was  a  Pelasgian  god,  par  excellence,  his  original 
place  of  worship  being  Dodona. 

Still  another  interesting  feature  is  that  the  prin- 
cipal legends  of  ancient  Greece  are  still  alive  in  the 
popular  myths  of  the  Albanian  people.     The  Cy- 

1  These  remarks  are  based  on  personal  observations  made  by  the 
writer  in  an  off-hand  study  of  the  Homeric  poems  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Albanian  language.  The  writer  has  to  confess,  however,  that 
he  is  not  a  linguist.  He  was  merely  struck  by  the  peculiar  resem- 
blance of  expression  and  phraseology  which  he  encountered  in  reading 
Homer. 


8  ALBAT^IA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

clops  are  as  powerful  as  ever  in  the  bedtime  stories 
of  the  Albanian  mothers  and  grandmothers. 

It  is  estimated  that  of  the  actual  stock  of  the  Al- 
banian language,  more  than  one  third  is  of  undis- 
puted Illyrian  origin,  and  the  rest  are  disputed 
lUyrian-Pelasgian,  ancient  Greek  and  Latin,  with  a 
small  admixture  of  Slavic,  Italian  (dating  from  the 
Venetian  occupation  of  the  seaboard),  Turkish,  and 
some  Celtic  words,  too.  Besides,  the  writer  has  dis- 
covered a  number  of  Teutonic  ^vords  which  date,  per- 
haps, from  the  Gothic  invasion  of  Albania. 

III.    ANTIQUITIES 

Albania  abounds  in  ancient  remains  which  as  yet' 
have  been  unexplored.     The  history  of  Albania  can 
not,  therefore,  be  written  in  its  proper  and  fina 
form  without  reference  to  the  precious  relics  the 
Albanian  soil  has  jealously  guarded  for  centuries 
It  is  only  when  these  archaeological  treasures  come 
to  light  that  a  really  scientific  history  of  Albania 
can  be  written. 

Fragments  of  Cyclopean  structures,  of  the  Cy- 
clopean-Pelasgian  period,  were  discovered  by  Hahn 
at  Kretsunitsa,  Arinishta,  and  other  sites  of  the 
district  of  Arghyrocastro,  which  was  called  Pelasgia 
in  ancient  times.  The  walls,  partly  Cyclopean,  of 
an  ancient  city  (perhaps  Bullis  or  Byllis)  are  vis- 
ible at  Gradishti  on  the  picturesque  Viosa  River. 
Few  traces  remain  of  the  once  celebrated  Dyrrha- 
chium  (the  actual  Durazzo,  the  Tllpidamnus  of  the 
Greeks).  The  most  important  and  interesting  re- 
mains, however,  are  those  of  Dodona  w^here  the  cele- 
brated oracle  of  ancient  times  was  situated. 

Of  the  mediaeval  ruins,  those  of  Kroia  or  Croia, 


ANTIQUITIES  9 

the  stronghold  of  Scanderbeg,  are  the  most  inter- 
esting. 

Central  and  Northern  Albania  abound  in  unex- 
plored remains  of  the  Illyrian  period.  The  traces 
of  the  early  Illyrian  civilization  lie  still  covered  un- 
der the  dust  and  ashes  of  nearly  thirty  centuries. 

There  are  also  abundant  remains  of  the  Roman 
and  Greek  period,  but,  in  general,  the  remains  of  the 
classical  epoch  attest  the  influence  of  Roman  rather 
than  of  Greek  civilization.  Greek  influence  may  be 
traced  only  in  the  few  Greek  colonies  which  had 
been  established  along  the  coast,  mainly  by  the 
Corinthians. 

REFERENCES 

Adamidi,  Dr.  Georges,  Les  Pelasges  et  leur  descendants  les  Albanaia 

— Bulletin  de  I'lnstitut  figyptien,  1902,  pp.  6-15,  45-57. 
DURUY,  v.,   History  of  Rome,  Translated  by  W.  J.  Clarke,  Boston, 

1890— The  Pelasgians,  Vol.  I,  Sect.  1,  pp.  44-60. 
Fallmerayer,  Dr.  J.  Ph.,  Das  Albanesische  Element  in  Griechenland 

— Abhandlungen    des    Historische   Classe    (Bavarian    Academy), 

1860,  Vol.  8,  pp.  49-487. 
Hahn,    Dr.    Johann    Georg    von,    Albanische    Studien,    Wien,    1853 

(Jena,  1854),  Vol.  I,  pp.  211-279. 
EIarapanos,  Dodone  et  ses  mines,  Paris,  1878. 
Leake,  William  Martin,  Of  the  Albanian  Language  (Researches  in 

Greece)   London,  1814,  pp.  263-288. 
NoPOSA,    Franz    Baron    von,    Archseologisehes    aus    Nordalbanien, 

Illustr.,  in  Wissenschaftl.  Mitteil.  aus  Bosnien  und  Hersegivina, 

Wien,  1909,  Vol.  II,  pp.  82-90. 
Patsch,  Dr.  Carl,  Das  Sandschak  Berat  in  Albanien,  Wien,   1904 

(Antiquities). 


CHAPTER  II 
ANCIENT  ALBANIA 

I.    EARLY    PERIOD 

In  the  course  of  her  long  history,  Albania  has  been 
invaded  by  various  civilized,  half-civilized,  and  bar- 
barian races.  The  Gauls,  the  Romans,  the  Goths, 
the  Slavs,  the  Normans,  the  Venetians,  and,  finally, 
the  Turks,  successively  set  their  foot  on,  and  ob- 
tained temporary  mastery  over,  the  Albanian  terri- 
tory. But,  in  the  course  of  time,  the  natives  have 
gradually  driven  out  or  assimilated  the  invaders. 
So  many  invasions  and  influences  have  left  hardly 
any  appreciable  traces,  least  of  all  on  the  national 
characteristics,  traditions,  customs,  and  language  of 
the  Albanian  people.  What  the  Roman  and  Greek 
writers  have  written  about  the  Albanians  centuries 
ago  does  singularly  apply  to  their  actual  conditions 
in  such  a  way  as  to  make  one  imagine  that  the  old 
writings  are  but  contemporary  history.  A  series  of 
historical  events,  of  momentous  importance  and  su- 
perior to  his  own  will,  confined  the  Albanian  within 
his  inaccessible  mountain  fastnesses,  and  constrained 
him  to  cling  with  tenacity  to  his  national  traditions, 
language,  and  customs,  far  from  the  touch  of,  and 
contact  with,  higher  degrees  of  civilization,  apart 
from  that  of  his  immediate  enemies  and  neighbors. 

The  Albanian  people  present,  then,  the  unique  and 
imposing  phenomenon  of  a  continuous  national  exist- 

10 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ILLYRIA  11 

ence  which  extends  from  the  remotest  times  down 
to  our  own  days.  Its  beginnings  may  be  traced  only 
by  going  as  far  back  as  the  Pelasgian  and  Illyrian 
period. 

Of  the  early  period  of  the  Illyrians  and,  especially, 
of  the  Pelasgians  we  know  almost  nothing.  Our 
history  will,  then,  necessarily  begin  with  the  rise  of 
the  kingdoms  of  Illyria  and  Molossia  which  respec- 
tively represent  during  the  historical  times  the 
Illyrians  and  Pelasgians. 

II.    THE    KINGDOM    OF    ILLYKIA 
(1225-167   B.C.) 

In  its  beginning,  the  kingdom  of  Illyria  comprised 
the  actual  territories  of  Dalmatia,  Croatia,  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina,  Montenegro,  and  Northern  and 
Central  Albania,  with  a  large  part  of  modem  Serbia. 
But  in  the  course  of  its  development  it  extended  all 
along  the  eastern  literal  of  the  Adriatic  Sea.  Scu- 
tari was  its  capital,  just  as  she  is  now  the  capital  of 
Northern  and  Central  Albania. 

The  earliest  known  king  of  Illyria  was  Hyllus 
(The  Star)  who  is  recorded  to  have  died  in  the  year 
1225  B.  c. 

The  kingdom,  however,  reached  the  zenith  of  its 
expansion  and  development  in  the  fourth  century 
B.  c,  when  Bardliyllus  (White  Star),  one  of  the  most 
prominent  of  the  Illyrian  kings,  united  under  his 
scepter  the  kingdoms  of  Illyria,  Molossia  or  Epirus 
and  a  good  part  of  Macedonia,  so  that  his  realm  ex- 
tended from  the  port  of  Trieste  ("market-place"  in 
Albanian)  to  the  Ambracic  Gulf.  But  its  decay  be- 
gan under  the  same  ruler  as  a  result  of  the  attacks 
made  on  it  by  Philip  of  Macedon,  father  of  Alex- 


12  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ander  the  Great.  On  the  victorious  conclusion  of 
the  war  against  Athens,  the  Macedonian  General 
Parmenion  attacked  and  defeated  the  Illyrian  forces 
between  the  lakes  of  Prespa  and  Ochrida,  in  order  to 
recover  the  part  of  Macedonia  that  had  been  annexed 
by  Bardhyllus. 

On  succeeding  his  father,  Alexander  the  Great  set 
out  to  pursue  the  war  against  the  Illyrian  kings. 
The  Illyrian  troops  were  entrenched  at  Pelion,  near 
the  present  city  of  Koritza  (Korcha,  in  Albanian), 
under  the  command  of  King  Kleitos,  the  son  of  Bard- 
hyllus. Alexander  attacked  them  and  won  a  com- 
plete victory  over  them.  As  a  result,  the  Illyrian 
king  agreed  to  follow  his  great  kinsman  in  his  expe- 
dition against  the  Persians.  The  Illyrian  troops 
formed  a  considerable  part  of  the  forces  of  the  con- 
queror of  the  Persian  Empire  and  shared  in  his 
triumph. 

Upon  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Illyrian  kings 
regained  their  liberty  of  action  within  their  terri- 
tories. In  the  year  232  b.  c.  the  Illyrian  throne  was 
occupied  by  the  enterprising  Tenia,  the  celebrated 
Queen  whom  historians  have  called  Catherine  the 
Great  of  Illyria.  It  was  she  who  brought  the  Ro- 
mans in  contact  with  the  Balkans.  The  depreda- 
tions of  her  thriving  navy  on  the  rising  commercial 
development  of  the  Eepublic  forced  the  Roman  Sen- 
ate to  declare  war  against  the  Queen.  A  huge  army 
and  navy  under  the  Roman  consuls  Gains  Fulvius 
Santumalus  and  Lucius  Postumius  Alvinus  attacked 
Central  Albania,  and,  after  two  years  of  protracted 
warfare,  Teuta  was  induced  to  sue  for  peace  (227 
B,  c). 

The  last  king  of  Illyria  was  Gentius,  of  pathetic 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  M0L0S8IA  13 

memory.^  In  165  b.  c.  he  was  defeated  by  the  Ro- 
mans and  brought  to  Rome  as  a  captive  in  order  to 
adorn  the  triumph  of  the  victor. 

Henceforth,  Illyria  became  a  Roman  dependency. 
She  was  carved  out  into  three  independent  republics 
the  capitals  of  which  were  respectively :  Scutari,  Du- 
razzo,  and  Dulcigno. 

III.    THE    KINGDOM    OP    MOLOSSIA 
(1270-1G8  B.C.) 

The  Southern  Albania  of  to-day  was  called 
"Epirus"  by  the  ancient  Greek  writers,  and  was  in- 
habited by  the  Pelasgians  or  Epirots.^  Theopompus 
states  that  Epirus  was  inhabited  by  the  Chaonians, 
the  Thesprotians  and  the  Molossians,  all  of  them 
being  non-Hellenic. 

The  kings  of  the  last  branch,  i.e.,  the  Molossians, 
who  ultimately  extended  their  power  over  all  Epirus, 
claimed,  according  to  Plutarch,  to  be  descended  from 
Pyrrhus,  the  son  of  Achilles,  who  settled  in  the  coun- 
try after  the  fall  of  Troy,  and  transmitted  his  king- 
dom to  his  son,  Molossus.     The  same  biographer  re- 

1  Cassius  Dio,  Rome,  Book  20,  fragm.  24. 

2  It  has  already  been  noted  that  the  name  "Epirus"  means  "main- 
land" in  Greek,  and  was  originally  applied  to  the  whole  coast  north- 
ward of  the  Corinthian  Gulf,  in  contradistinction  to  the  neighboring 
islands,  Corcyra  (Corfou),  Leucas,  etc.,  etc.  In  consequence,  it  has 
not  any  ethnical  meaning,  as  modern  Greeks  are  wont  to  think  and 
proclaim.  The  name  of  Epirus,  as  applied  to  Southern  Albania,  is 
misleading,  inasmuch  as  its  Greek  sound  gives  the  idea  that  one  is 
dealing  with  a  Greek  territory.  This  is  due  to  the  unfortunate  fact 
that  the  principal  sources  of  the  history  of  this  section  of  Albania 
are  the  writings  of  Greek  historians  wliose  mania  for  Hellenising 
foreign  names  is  notorious.  Yet,  all  the  ancient  Greek  writers,  in- 
cluding Theopompus,  the  veracious  Thucydides,  and  the  more  modern 
Plutarch,  are  in  full  accord  in  stating  that  Epirus  was  exclusively 
inhabited  by  non-Hellenic  barbarous  populations. 

As  to  the  modern  aspect  of  this  question,  see  below  pp.  94-100, 
111-120. 


14  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

lates  the  significant  fact  that  Achilles  was  known 
in  this  country  under  the  name  of  "Aspetus,"  which 
in  Albanian  means  '* swift." 

The  interesting  feature  of  kingship,  as  adopted 
in  Molossia,  is  its  elective  form.  The  assembly  of 
"wise  men"  elected  annually  the  kings,  in  the  fash- 
ion of  the  old  German  tribes. 

The  kingdom  of  Molossia  shows  a  long  record  of 
rulers,  but  of  all  the  numerous  kings  we  shall  men- 
tion only  the  most  eminent  of  all,  the  famous  Pyrrhus 
of  Epirus  (295-272),  whose  adventures  were  termi- 
nated by  a  brick  with  which  a  mourning  old  Greek 
woman  struck  him  on  the  head.  Me  was  the  first  to 
bring  the  war  against  the  Romans  into  Italian  soil, 
wherein  he  won  his  celebrated  ' '  Pyrrhic  victory. ' ' 

Albanian  tradition  claims  that  the  name  "Shky- 
petar"  (Sons  of  the  Eagle),  as  the  Albanians  call 
themselves,  the  name  Albanian  being  entirely  un- 
known to  them,  originated  with  a  statement  made 
by  Pyrrhus.  When  some  one  praised  the  swiftness 
of  the  movements  of  his  troops,  Pyrrhus  proudly 
answered  that  this  was  natural,  inasmuch  as  his  sol- 
diers were  the  Sons  of  the  Eagle;  their  movements 
were,  consequently,  similar  to  the  flight  of  the  king 
of  the  birds. 

Another  important  personage  we  should  mention  ^. 
in  connection  with  Epirus  is  the  proud  Qlympias,  ;. 
sister  of  Alexander,  the  king  of  Molossia,  and  mother 
of  Alexander  the  Great.  When  her  son  embarked 
on  his  campaign  against  the  Persians,  the  Molossians 
felt  constrained  to  join  him,  with  the  result  that  the 
united  Illyrian-Molossian  troops  formed  a  consider- 
able part  of  the  triumphant  army. 

Space  does  not  allow  us  to  go  into  any  more  lengthy 


ALBATlilA  UNDER  ROMAN  DOMINATION  15 

account  of  the  warlike  enterprises  and  peaceful 
achievements  of  the  Molossian  kings,  some  of  whom 
did  more  to  render  their  country  famous  than  did 
the  Illyrians. 

On  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great,  the  rulers 
of  Molossia  were  once  more  freed  of  all  shackles,  but 
the  fate  of  the  kingdom  was  sealed  at  the  battle  of 
Py^Ba-IlSS  B.  c),  when  Paulus  Emilius  defeated  the 
allied  Molossian-Macedonian  forces.  The  country 
was  subjected  to  a  fearful  devastation  on  the  part  of 
the  Romans,  because  of  the  insubmissive  character 
of  its  population,  and,  after  it  was  pacified  in  this 
fashion,  it  shrunk  to  the  position  of  a  self-governing 
Roman  province. 

IV.    ALBANIA    UNDER   ROMAN    DOMINATION 

The  subjection  to  Rome  was  not,  however,  to  be 
consummated  without  intermittent  hard  struggles 
for  independence.  A  complete  submission  to  the 
conqueror  has  been  alien  to  the  national  character- 
istics of  the  Albanian  people.  Rome  had  to  pay 
dearly  for  the  annexation  of  this  indomitable  race 
by  making  frequent  expeditions  across  the  Adri- 
atic to  quell  the  insurrections  which  had  become 
chronic.  But  once  the  Romans  got  the  upper  hand 
the  punishment  inflicted  on  the  insurgents  was  ex- 
emplary ;  witness  the  complete  devastation  of  South- 
ern Albania,  a  great  part  of  whose  population  was 
deported  to  other  lands. 

Nonetheless,  the  subject  country  was  able  to  pre- 
serve intact  its  ethnical  characteristics,  and  both 
languages,  the  Roman  as  well  as  the  Illyrian,  were 
made  use  of  in  public  acts. 

During  the  civil  war  between  Caesar  and  Pompey, 


16  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

V 

Albania  served  as  battlefield  for  the  contest  of  su- 
premacy in  Rome,  and  in  many  instances  the  Al- 
banians strove  to  convert  the  situation  to  their  own 
benefit.  The  decisive  battle  between  Octavius  and 
Antony  for  the  imperial  throne  was  also  fought 
on  the  Albanian  seacoast,  and  in  commemoration  of 
his  naval  victoiy  at  Actium  the  future  Augustus  built 
the  new  city  of  Nicopolis  on  the  southernmost  part  of 
the  Albanian  seaboard.  The  ruins  of  this  city  may 
be  seen  even  to-day,  but  the  place  does  not  belong 
any  longer  to  Albania.^ 

Albania,  moreover,  became  now  the  passageway 
for  the  Roman  legions  on  their  way  to  Asia.  They 
were  embarked  at  Brindisi,  which  was  the  terminus 
of  the  Appian  Way.  Thence,  after  being  trans- 
ported to  Durazzo,  they  proceeded  on  the  Via  ^gi- 
tana  or  Egnatia  the  track  of  which  has  been  pre- 
served to  the  present  day.  During  the  greater  part 
of  Turkish  domination  that  track  has  served  as  the 
only  thoroughfare  in  Central  Albania. 

On  the  whole,  Roman  influence  has  not  been  of 
very  great  importance.  Remains  of  Roman  civiliza- 
tion and  architecture  may  be  seen  throughout  Al- 
bania, but  their  influence  on  the  shaping  of  the  course 
of  her  history  and  on  her  inhabitants  is  slight. 

There  are,  however,  two  outstanding  features  of 
Roman  influence : 

In  the  first  place,  the  Albanian  language  borrowed 
a  great  number  of  words,  mostly  religious  and 
liturgical  terms,  owing  to  the  fact  that  Albania  was 

1  The  Conference  of  London  of  1012,  which  recognized  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  independent  Albanian  principality,  assigned  to  Greece 
the  greater  part  of  the  southern  seacoast  of  Albania,  from  the  Bay  of 
Ftelia  to  Preveza.  It  is  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  latter  town  that 
the  ruins  of  Nicopolis  are  situated- 


ALBANIA  UNDER  ROMAN  DOMINATION  17 

at  first  attached  to  the  See  of  Rome,  though  the 
religion  of  Jesus  was  preached  to  the  Albanians  by 
St.  PauIiiJjnEelf  during  a  visjtjTejriflrle  toJDimazzQ. 

In  the  second  place,  the  Romans~have  left  a  very 
enduring  evidence  of  their  passage  through,  and 
domination  of,  the  Albanian  territories  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  new  race,  the  so-called  Kutso-Valachians, 
or  Albanian- Valachians  as  they  are  commonly  known 
in  the  places  they  inhabit.  They  are  the  offspring 
of  Roman-Albanian  marriages,  and  they  have  been 
kept  aparTTrom  tlie  maiiTBody  of  the  nation.  Their 
peculiar  position  affords  another  striking  proof  of 
the  pride  of  race  among  the  Albanians.  The  Kutso- 
Valachians,  who  are  first  cousins  to  the  Roumanians, 
number  about  100,000  souls  scattered  throughout 
Albania. 

In  return,  the  domination  of  Rome  enabled  Al- 
bania to  make  some  very  important  contributions 
to  her  world-empire.  Emperor  Diocletian,  the  able 
organizer  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  promoter  of 
efficiency  in  centralization,  was  a  native  of  Dalmatia, 
which  had  always  been  a  part  of  Illyria  and  of  the 
Greater  Albania. 

To  the  newly  instituted  Christian  Empire  Albania 
contributed  the  man  who  instituted  it,  Constantine 
the  Great,  his  contemporary  PopeSylvester^  and^St^ 
Jii£oiniVthj^-t*^^Ulslator  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  from 
Greek  into  Latin.  Constantine  was  native  of  the 
town  of  Nish,  which  at  that  time  was  Albanian  just 
as  a  part  of  the  actual  Serbia  was. 

Moreover,  the  Albanians  had  more  than  their 
share  in  the  election  of  the  Roman  Emperors  during 
the  turbulent  period  of  the  Empire,  by  virtue  of  the 
fact  that  the  notorious  Prastorian  Guard,  the  em- 


18  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

peror-making  power,  consisted  mainly  of  Illyrian 
troops. 

REFERENCES 

Babbarich,  Eugenio,  Albania,  Rome,  1905,  pp.  155-168. 

Cassius  Dio,  Rome,  Books  8  and  10. 

DioDORUs  SicxTLUS,  Book  XXVI. 

DuRXTY,  v..  History  of  Rome,  Vol.  I,  Sect.  2,  pp.  590-593. 

Hahjst,  Dr.  Johann  Georg  von,  Albanische  Studien,  pp.  301-309  and 

Notes  pp.  328-332. 
Flint  (the  Elder),  Historia  Naturalis,  Book  III,  Ch.  22. 
Plutarch,  Parallel/  Lives — Lives  of  Pyrrhus,  Alexander,  Demetrius, 

T.  Quintius  Flaminius,  Paulus  Emilius,  Cicero,  Pompey,  Julius 

Csesar  and  Antony. 
PoLTBios,  Book  IV. 
Strabo,  Books  VII  and  IX. 
Titus  Lrvius,  26-45. 


CHAPTER  III 
MEDIAEVAL  ALBANIA 

I.    BYZANTINE   DOMINATION 

When  the  capital  of  the  Empire  was  transferred 
from  Rome  to  Byzantium  (395  a.  d.),  Albania  became 
a  province  of  the  eastern  section  on  its  disruption. 
She  constituted  a  part  of  the  Thema  of  Illyricum,  and 
remained  nominallj^  a  provinci~ot  tne  iJyzantme  Em- 
pire up  to  the  time  when  she  regained  her  complete 
liberty  of  action  under  native  rulers. 

In  reality,  however,  the  emperors  of  Constanti- 
nople were  unable  to  defend  her  against  the  inroads 
of  the  barbarians  who  made  their  appearance  in  the 
Balkan  Peninsula  at  this  time,  and,  at  long  intervals, 
she  was  either  under  the  sway  of  the  invaders  or 
else  she  was  leading  an  independent  life  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  barbarian  hordes. 

Byzantine  influence  has  been  very  scanty  in  Al- 
bania. Apart  from  a  number  of  old  churches  of 
Byzantine  style,  J^^lojOging  to  the  eastern  Orthodox 
i'lte^'and  besides  some  military  walls,  nothing  else 
attests  that  the  Byzantines  have  ever  had  anything 
to  do  with  Albania.  Greek  Byzantine  influence  is 
nil  on  the  intellectual  side.  Ethnically,  politically, 
and  socially  the  court  of  Constantinople  was  far  more 
remote  from  its  Albanian  provinces  than  actual  dis- 
tance accounts  for.  It  is  only  the  southern  portion 
of  Albania  that  has  been,  and  to  some  extent  is  still, 

19 


20  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

suffering  the  consequences  of  its  attachment  to  the 
religious  jurisdiction  of  the  Greek  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople.^ 

II.    THE   INVASIONS    OF    THE    BAEBAKIANS 

The  closing  days  of  the  fourth  century  (a.  d.)  wit- 
nessed the  beginning  of  the  dark  and  bloody  period 
of  the  invasions  during  which  the  torrents  of  the 
barbarian  hordes  overflooded  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 
Many  a  time  was  Albania  submerged  under  the  over- 
whelming waves  of  the  invaders  who,  in  the  end, 
succeeded  in  displacing  the  Albanians  from  the  ter- 
ritories now  inhabited  by  the  Jugoslavs,  the  Serbians 
and  the  Montenegrins. 

The  first  to  invade  and  ravage  Albania  were  the 
Goths,  who  remained  masters  of  the  country  for 
more  than  a  century.  In.,^3^^-hQ:vg£:^^er,  the  Albani- 
ans  were  reclaimed  for  the  Empire  by  Justinian  wEo^ 
himself,  was  n^jiye  of  Central  Albania.  The  Goths 
also  have  left  behmcTa' number  of  Teutonic  words 
which  are  now  in  use  in  the  Albanian  language. 

In  640,  Emperor  Heraclius  called  the  Serb  hordes 
into  his  realm  in  order  to  oppose  them  against  the 
Avars,  and,  later  on,  he  let  them  overrun  Albania, 
from  which  they  definitely  wrenched  the  part  that 
constitutes  the  Montenegro  of  to-day. 

In  861,  Central  and  Southern  Albania  were  over- 
run and  devastated  by  the  Bulgarians.  Shortly 
after,  another  Bulgarian  wave  enveloped  the  whole 
of  Albania  under  Czar  Simeon  (892-927).  The 
presence  of  a  large  number  of  localities  bearing  Bul- 
garian names,  even  in  places  where  no  traces  of 
Bulgarian  population  exist,  bears  witness  to  the  fact 

iSee  Ch.  9,  pp.  94-100;  also  pp.  111-120. 


THE  INVASIONS  OF  THE  BARBARIANS  21 

that  the  invaders  did  make  large  settlements  in  the 
invaded  country.  In  the  course  of  time,  however, 
the  Bulgarians  were  driven  out  and  those  already 
settled  were  assimilated  by  the  native  population. 
At  the  present  time  there  are  very  few  Bulgarian 
settlements  in  Albania,  scarcely  a  few  villages.^ 

In  1081,  the  Normans,  who  had  already  estab- 
lished themselves  in  Southern  Italy  and  Sicily,  in- 
vaded, under  Robert  Guiscard,  the  territories  of  Cen- 
tral and  Southern  Albania.  The  invasion  was  un- 
dertaken as  a  means  of  reprisals  against  the  Em- 
peror of  Constantinople  with  whom  Robert  had  had 
a  family  quarrel.  It  is  believed  that  the  Normans 
are  the  sponsors  of  the  name  '^Albania"  under  which 
the  country  has  ever  since  been  knowm  to  the  world. 

During  the  Crusades,  Albania  was  a  frequent 
thoroughfare  for  the  Crusaders  of  France  and  Italy. 
In  his  ''Conquete  de  Constantinople,"  Villehardouin, 
the  chronicler  of  the  fourth  Crusade,  has  to  say  many 
interesting  things  about  the  conditions  prevailing  in 
Albania  at  that  time. 

III.    PERIOD    OF    NATIVE    EULE 
THE   INDEPENDENT   ALBANIAN    PRINCIPALITIES 

When  the  flow  of  the  invasions  subsided  somewhat 
there  arose  three  independent  Albanian  principali- 
ties ruled  by  foreign  princes  who  had  established 
their  rule  either  at  the  invitation  of  the  Albanians 
or  with  their  full  consent  and  cooperation.     Inas- 

1  The  vilayet  of  Monastir,  however,  is  mainly  inhabited  by  Al- 
banians and  Bulararians  in  almost  equal  numbers,  the  minority  con- 
sisting of  Kotzo-Valachiana,  Asiatic  Turks,  Greeks,  and  no  Serbians 
at  all.  But  the  easy  triumph  of  the  Balkan  armies  over  the  Turks 
in  1912  and  the  London  Conference  assigned  to  Serbia  almost  the 
whole  of  this  vilayet. 


22  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

much  as  these  rulers  had  practically  merged  them- 
selves with  their  subjects,  and,  as  their  several  do- 
minions extended  over  the  whole  of  Albania,  we 
may  safely  consider  this  long  period  of  independence 
as  one  of  native  rule. 

1.  The  Despotat  of  Epirus 
(1204-1358) 

On  the  dethronement  and  expulsion  from  Con- 
stantinople of  the  reigning  dynasty  of  Comnenus  by 
the  Crusaders  (1204),  Michael  Comnenus,  a  prince 
of  the  imperial  family,  rallied  around  him  the  Al- 
banian nobility,  and,  with  its  assistance,  entered  upon 
a  war  against  the  Venetians  who  had  brought  about 
the  downfall  of  his  family.  Eventually,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  them  out  of  Southern  Albania. 
He,  thereupon,  set  up  an  independent  principality 
in  that  portion  of  Albania,  with  Janina  as  its  cap- 
ital. The  principality  is  knowTi  as  Despotat  (or 
Lordship)  of  Epirus.  It  remained  under  the  rule 
of  the  Comneni  up  to  the  ye^r_^1318^^w^n  they  were 
succeeded  by  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Orsini  until 
1358.  _ 

In  the  meantime,  the  Bulgarians  had  invaded  the 
Albanian  territories  for  the  third  time,  but  their 
onward  march  was  checked  by  the  rulers  of  the  Des- 
potat of  Epirus.  As  soon  as  the  fear  of  invasion 
was  over,  the  restored  imperial  family  of  Constan- 
tinople sought  to  bring  again  the  principality  within 
the  fold  of  the  Empire,  but  the  Despotat  made  good 
its  claims  of  independence  even  as  against  the  Em- 
peror, and  it  remained  an  independent  Albanian 
principality  for  a  long  time  to  come. 


PERIOD  OF  NATIVE  RULE  33 

2.  The  Angevin  "Albanian  Kingdom" 
(1271-1368) 

With  a  view  of  consolidating  his  realm  and  of  win- 
ning useful  allies  in  his  war  against  the  imperial 
family  of  Constantinople,  the  ruler  of  the  Despotat 
of  Epirus  entered  into  a  family  alliance  with  Man- 
fred, the  king  of  the  Two-Sicilies,  son  of  Emperor 
Frederic  II,  and  gave  him  Corfou,  Durazzo,  Valona, 
Chimara,  Butrinto,  and  Berat,  as  a  part  of  the  dowry 
of  his  daughter  Helen,  whom  he  married  to  Manfred. 

Shortly  after,  however,  Manfred  got  in  trouble 
with  Charles  of  Anjou.  In  1271,  Charles  entered 
into  negotiations  with  the  principal  Albanian  chief- 
tains of  Central  Albania.  The  result  of  these  nego- 
tiations was  the  foundation  of  the  so-called  "Al- 
banian Kingdom"  of  the  Angevin  princes.  The 
jdngdomjasted  until  1368. 

3.  The  Balsha  Family 
(1336-1419) 

But  the  existence  of  the  principalities  of  Epirus 
and  Central  Albania  was  presently  seriously  endan- 
gered by  the  enormously  increasing  power  of  the 
Serbian  dynasty  of  Nemanitch  which  reached  its 
zenith  of  growth  and  expansion  under  Stefan  Dushan 
(1331-1358),  who  was  able  to  assume  the  title:  7m- 
perator  Romania,  Slavonics  et  Albanice  (Emperor 
of  the  Greeks,  Slavs,  and  Albanians).  But  his  em- 
pire was  only  ephemeral  and  lasted  only  during  the 
lifetime  of  its  founder. 

On  the  death  of  Stefan  Dushan  his  extensive  ter- 
ritorial possessions  were  divided  among  the  various 
governors  he  had  placed  at  the  head  of  the  prov- 


34  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

inces  of  his  empire.  The  governor  of  the  province 
of  Scutari  was  the  scion  of  the  family  of  Balsha 
which  had  come  to  Albania  with  Charles  I  of  Sicily. 
It  is  believed  that  the  Balshas  were  natives  of  Pro- 
vence, France,  or  descendants  of  the  lords  of  Balle- 
sum,  near  Rome.  By  this  time,  however,  the  Balshas 
had  assimilated  themselves  with  their  Albanian 
lords  and  subjects. 

Presently,  the  governor  of  Scutari,  who  now  as- 
sumed the  name  Balsha  I,  became  entirely  independ- 
ent, and  added  the  southern  part  of  Montenegro  to 
his  Albanian  possessions. 

With  the  assistance  of  their  Albanian  feudal  lords, 
the  Balshas  succeeded  in  driving  the  Serbs  out  of 
the  Albanian  provinces,  and  in  eventually  extending 
their  rule  over  the  whole  of  Northern  and  Central 
Albania  as  well  as  over  a  part  of  Southern  Albania. 

Moreover,  the  conversion  of  the  northern  popula- 
tion of  Albania  to  Catholicism  dates  from  the  Balsha 
rule.  Hitherto  all  the  Albanians  belonged  to  the 
Eastern  Church,  to  which  they  had  been  attached  at 
the  time  of  the  schism  between  the  Church  of  Rome 
and  that  of  Constantinople.  One  of  the  main  issues 
of  the  schism  was  precisely  the  disputed  religious 
jurisdiction  of  the  Albanian  provinces  which  w^ere 
known  aSiSacriim^Illyricuvi  (Holy  Illyria). 

IV.    THE   ALBANIAN"    MIGKATIONS 

Pressed  on  all  sides  by  invaders,  the  Albanians 
started  during  the  fourteenth  century  an  expan- 
sive migratory  movement  in  a  southerly  direction. 
Large  numbers  of  emigrants  moved  in  the  direction 
of  Greece  and  expanded  into  its  northern  portion. 
Compact  Albanian  settlements  were  established  in 


TEE  ALBANIAN  MIGRATIONS  25 

Beotia  and  Attica,  especially  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Athens,  where  they  are  still  thriving  even  in  our 
own  days.  In  many  instances,  the  migration  as- 
sumed a  militant  character,  and  the  northern  prov- 
inces of  Greece  had  to  undergo  a  period  of  Albanian 
occupation. 

The  leaders  of  the  migratory  movement  were  John 
Bua  Spata  and  Peter  Liosha.  The  village  of  Spata, 
in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Athens,  has  been 
named  after  the  former  leader  who  was  a  brilliant 
condottiere  at  the  same  time. 

Another  throng  of  Albanian  emigrants  was  di- 
verted to  Peloponnesus,  whither  they  were  invited 
by  the  French  despots  of  the  region.^ 

During  the  Greek  revolution  these  Albanians 
played  the  most  important  role,  and  rendered  in- 
estimable services  toward  winning  the  independence 
of  Greece.  This  is  especially  true  with  regard  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Islands  Spetzai  and  Hydra. 

REFERENCES 

Acta  et  Diplomata  res  Albaniae  mediae  aetatis  illustrantia — Col- 

legerunt  et  digesserunt  L.  de  Thalloczy,  C.  Jerecek  et  E.  de  Suff- 

lay.    Vindobonae   (Vienna) ,  MCMXIII  (1913). 
Barbarich,  Albania,  pp.  169-177. 
Ghica,  Prince  Alb.,  L'Albanie  et  la  Question  d'Orient,  Paris,  1908, 

pp.  17-23. 
Hahn,  Dr.  Johann  Geobq  von,  Albaniaehe  Studien,  pp.  310-328  and 

Notes  pp.  332-346. 
Roth,  Dr.  Karl,  Geschichte  Albaniens,  Leipzig,  1914,  pp.  24-74. 

1  Dr.  Hahn  estimated,  in  1854,  that  there  were  200,000  Albanians 
of  a  total  of  one  million  inhabitants  of  Greece.  These  Albanians  are 
scattered  in  compact  colonies  throughout  the  Greek  lands.  The 
Islands  of  Spetzai,  Hydra,  and  Poros  are  exclusively  inhabited  by 
Albanians. 

In  regard  to  these  Albanian  settlements  in  Greece,  Mr.  J.  D. 
Bourchier  says  in  the  Encyclopcedia  Britannica: 

"Not  less  noticeable  is  the  tenacity  with  which  isolated  fragments 
of  the  nation  have  preserved  their  peculiar  characteristics,  language, 
customs  and  traditions.  The  Albanians  in  Greece  and  Italy,  though 
separated  for  six  centuries  from  the  parent  stock,  have  not  yet  been 
absorbed  by  the  surrounding  populations." 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  RULE  OF  THE  CASTRIOTAS 

I.    FEUDAL   GOVERNMENT 

The  Balsha  family  was  extinguished  in  1419  with 
the  death  of  Balsha  III.  Its  territorial  possessions 
presently  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  numerous 
Albanian  feudal  lords  and  petty  native  princes. 

Many  of  these  lords,  such  as  Charles  Topia,  the 
overlord  of  Croia,  and  the  native  princes  Duke  John 
(Dukaghin)  and  Soft,  had  been  previously  dispos- 
sessed by  the  Balshas,  in  the  latters'  attempt  to 
centralize  their  power,  and  were  now  simply  re- 
instated into  their  fiefs. 

The  family  of  Duke  John,  from  which  came  the 
lawgiver  Alexander  Duke  John,  whose  laws  are  still 
governing  the  northern  population  of  Albania,  was 
by  far  the  most  important  of  all,  on  account  of  its 
extensive  possessions  comprising  a  large  part  of 
Northern  and  Eastern  Albania,  the  region  around 
Ipek.  The  rest  of  the  mountainous  region  of  North- 
ern Albania  fell  to  the  right  of  the  feudal  lords 
Spani  and  Dushmani. 

Central  and  Southern  Albania  was  partitioned 
among  the  Zaccaria,  the  Gropa,  the  Musaki,  the  Bua 
8  pat  a,  the  latter  being  lords  of  Arghyrocastro. 

The  interesting  feature  of  Albania  at  this  time 
is  her  feudal  character,  inasmuch  as  she  is  the  only 
country  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula  into  which  feudal- 

26 


GEORGE  CA8TRI0TA  8CANDERBEG  37 

ism,  in  its  western  European  form,  was  introduced 
and  maintained  for  a  long  time.  Traces  of  the 
feudal  regime  are  still  surviving  in  certain  parts  of 
Northern  Albania.  Feudalism  was  transplanted  in 
Albania  by  the  Normans  and  the  Crusaders. 

On  the  extinction  of  the  family  of  Topia,  the  fief 
of  Croia,  the  lord  of  which  exercised  the  right  of 
suzerainty  over  the  other  feudal  lords  and  princes, 
passed  into  the  possession  of  the  house  of  Castriota, 
which  was  destined  to  give  to  Albania  her  chief  na- 
tional hero  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

II.    GEORGE    CASTRIOTA    SCANDERBEG 
(1404-1467) 

1.  The  Hostage 

The  century-long  desperate  struggles  of  the  Al- 
banians against  the  overwhelming  numbers  of  the 
Slav  invaders  had  now  subsided  to  routine  border 
warfare,  after  Albania  had  lost  all  her  northern  and 
inland  provinces  which  now  bear  the  names  of  Dal- 
matia,  Croatia,  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  Serbia  and 
Montenegro.  The  aboriginal  settlers  of  the  Penin- 
sula were  presently  confined  within  the  mountain 
fastnesses  of  what  was  left  of  their  ancient  patri- 
mony. 

But  in  the  year  1412,  a  new  and  formidable  in- 
vader knocked  at  their  doors :  the  unspeakable  Turk. 
In  that  year,  Murad  II,  Sultan  of  the  Ottoman 
hordes,  who  had  already  become  master  of  Thrace 
and  had  moved  his  capital  to  Adrianople,  invaded 
Albania.  The  disorganized  Albanian  lords  took  to 
their  inaccessible  mountains  at  the  approach  of  the 
enemy. 


28  ALBAtJIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

John  Castriota,  the  overlord  of  Croia,  however, 
resolved  to  resist,  but  the  Sultan  forced  him  to  sub- 
mission. John  had  to  become  the  vassal  of  the 
Sultan  to  whom  he  gave  for  surety  his  four  sons 
as  hostages.  The  youngest  of  these,  George,  was 
to  become  the  celebrated  Scanderbeg. 

Shortly  after,  the  elder  three  hostages  were  poi- 
soned by  the  Sultan.  George,  however,  was  allowed 
to  live  because  he  had  won  the  goodwill  of  the  Sul- 
tan by  his  precocious  intelligence  and  strength — 
he  was  only  nine  years  old.  Against  the  solemn 
promises  he  had  given  to  John,  the  Sultan  raised 
the  young  prince  in  the  Mohammedan  religion,  and 
gave  him  a  position  in  his  army.  When  scarcely 
eighteen  years  old,  George  was  already  commander 
of  an  army  in  Asia  Minor.  It  is  during  this  cam- 
paign that  the  Turks  gave  him  the  surname  of  Isken- 
der-heg  or  Scanderbeg  for  his  valor  and  masterful 
strategy,  and  in  complimentary  reference  to  Alex- 
ander the  Great. 

But  despite  the  lavish  favors  bestowed  upon  him 
by  the  Sultan,  Scanderbeg  could  not  be  made  to  for- 
get either  his  real  position  or  the  country  and  reli- 
gion from  which  he  had  been  so  insidiously  taken 
away.  Inwardly,  he  cherished  the  hope  of  resum- 
ing his  rightful  position  as  defender  of  his  own 
country,  and  he  was  merely  waiting  for  the  oppor- 
tune moment.  His  latent  indignation  was  still  more 
aroused  by  the  action  of  the  Sultan  in  conferring 
the  principality  of  Croia  on  one  of  his  favorites, 
Sahel  Pasha,  on  the  death  of  John  Castriota,  instead 
of  giving  it  to  its  lawful  and  deserving  heir,  Scan- 
derbeg. This  injustice  estranged  him  entirely  from 
the  Sultan,  and  decided  him  on  his  course  of  action. 


QEOROE  CAST  RIOT  A  SCANDERBEQ  29 

2.  The  Liberator 

In  1443,  Scanderbeg  was  sent  by  the  Sultan,  in 
company  with  another  Turkish  general,  at  the  head 
of  a  large  Turkish  army  against  the  king  of  Hun- 
gary, John  Eunyady.  In  the  battle,  which  took 
place  at  Nish,  the  Moslem  army  was  routed,  and, 
during  its  precipitate  retreat,  Scanderbeg  extorted 
from  the  Sultan's  secretary  an  imperial  order  to 
the  governor  of  Croia,  Sabel  Pasha,  to  the  effect 
that  he  should  surrender  the  fortress  and  governor- 
ship to  Scanderbeg.  With  a  handful  of  loyal  Al- 
banian soldiers  he  arrived  at  Croia  after  seven  days 
of  forced  march,  and  handed  the  presumed  imperial 
order  to  the  Moslem  governor.  The  unsuspecting 
Pasha  surrendered  readily  both  his  office  and  the 
fortress. 

Henry  Wadsworth  Longfellow  depicts  most  dra- 
matically and  graphically  this  thrilling  episode  of 
the  history  of  Albania  in  his  poem  ''Scanderbeg,"  ^ 
from  which  we  reproduce  here  only  the  part  relating 
to  his  return  to  Croia  and  reinstatement  in  his  patri- 
mony. 

Then  onward  he  rode  and  afar, 
With  scarce  three  hundred  men, 
Through  river  and  forest  and  fen, 
0  'er  the  mountains  of  Argentar ;  ^ 
And  his  heart  was  merry  within 
When  he  crossed  the  river  Drin 
And  saw  in  the  gleam  of  the  morn 
The  AVhite  Castle  Ak-Hissar  ^ 
The  city  Croia  called, 

1  "Tales  of  a  Wayside  Tnn." 

2  Rhar  Daof,  in  Kossova-plain. 

3  The  fortress  of  Croia  was  called  "Ak-Hissar"  (White  Castle)  by 
the  Turks. 


30  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  city  moated  and  walled, 
The  city  where  he  was  bom, 
And  above  it  the  morning  star. 

Then  his  trumpeters  in  the  van 
On  their  silver  bugles  blew, 
And  in  crowds  about  him  ran, 
Albanian  and  Turkoman, 
That  the  sound  together  drew. 
And  when  they  were  warm  with  wine 
He  said :     "0  friends  of  mine, 
"Behold  what  fortune  sends 
' '  And  what  the  fates  design ! 
' '  King  Amurath  ^  commands 
' '  That  my  father 's  wide  domain 
' '  This  city  and  all  its  lands, 
"Shall  be  given  to  me  again." 

Then  to  the  Castle  White 

He  rode  in  regal  state. 

And  entered  in  at  the  gate 

In  all  his  arms  bedight 

And  gave  to  the  Pasha 

Who  ruled  in  Croia 

The  writing  of  the  King, 

Sealed  with  his  signet  ring. 

And  the  Pasha  bowed  his  head 

And  after  a  silence  said : 

"Allah  is  just  and  great! 

"I  yield  to  the  will  divine, 

"The  city  and  lands  are  thine, 

"Who  shall  contend  with  fate?" 

Anon  from  the  castle  walls 

The  crescent  banner  falls 

And  the  crowd  beholds  instead, 

Like  a  portent  in  the  sky, 

Iskander's  banner  fly, 

The  Black  Eagle  with  double  head ; 

1  Sultan  Murad  II. 


GEORGE  CASTRIOTA  8CANDERBEG  31 

And  a  shout  ascends  on  high, 

For  men 's  souls  are  tired  of  the  Turks, 

And  their  wicked  ways  and  works, 

That  have  made  of  Ak-Hissar 

A  city  of  the  plague ; 

And  the  loud  exultant  cry 

That  echoes  wide  and  far 

Is :     "  Long  live  Scanderbeg ! ' ' 


The  sovereignty  of  the  Sultan  came  thus  to  an 
end,  and  the  Turkish  garrison  of  Croia  was  de- 
stroyed. Thereupon,  Scanderbeg  solemnly  abjured 
the  Moslem  religion  in  the  cathedral  of  his  capital 
in  the  presence  of  the  Catholic  Primate,  who  be- 
stowed upon  the  future  defender  of  the  faith  of 
Jesus  and  of  his  country  the  benedictions  of  the 
Church. 

3.  The  Defender 

On  March  1  of  the  following  year,  a  stately  gather- 
ing of  the  Albanian  feudal  lords  took  place  in  the 
cathedral  of  Alessio.  The  assembly  was  also  at- 
tended by  the  prince  of  Montenegro,  Stefan  Czerno- 
ivitz,  and  by  delegates  from  the  Republic  of  Venice. 
In  it,  Scanderbeg  was  proclaimed  "Chief  of  the 
League  of  the  Albanian  Peoples.'' 

This  Congress  is  of  great  historical  importance, 
inasmuch  as  this  was  the  last  time  that  a  similar 
accord  against  the  Turks  was  manifested. 

As  it  was  to  be  foreseen,  the  defection  of  Scander- 
beg enraged  the  Sultan,  who  now  entered  upon  a 
ruthless  war  of  extermination  against  Albania. 
Apart  from  occasional  short  truces  and  armistices, 
this  war  lasted  during  the  whole  lifetime  of  Scan- 
derbeg. 


32  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  successes  and  triumphs  won  in  these  glorious 
wars  by  Scanderbeg  form  the  most  enviable  record 
for  the  commander  as  well  as  for  the  small  army 
he  led  from  victory  to  victory.  Without  any  assist- 
ance of  any  kind  from  the  other  Christian  princes, 
and  with  an  army  of  scarcely  30,000  men,  the  cele- 
brated hero  resolutely  withstood  for  a  quarter  of 
a  century  the  ten  times  as  numerous  hordes  of  the 
Moslem  ruler.  Formidable  Ottoman  armies  in- 
vaded, time  after  time,  the  tiny  kingdom  of  Albania, 
which  presently  remained  the  only  bulwark  of  Chris- 
tianity and  of  western  civilization  in  the  Balkans. 
And  each  time  the  Turks  had  to  retire  decimated. 
The  capital  of  Scanderbeg  was  besieged  twice,  the 
first  time  by  Murad  II  and  the  second  by  no  other 
man  than  the  powerful  Mohammed  II,  the  Conqueror 
of  Constantinople,  but  with  no  avail.  Constanti- 
nople had  already  fallen,  twelve  years  previously, 
but  Croia  was  still  defended  by  Scanderbeg  against 
the  attacks  of  the  besieging  army  which  was  under 
the  personal  command  of  the  conqueror  of  the  Byzan- 
tine capital.  In  1466  the  all-powerful  Sultan  had  to 
renounce  all  plans  of  conquest  of  Albania  and  retire 
to  his  capital. 

The  brilliant  resistance  of  the  Albanian  prince 
to  the  inroads  of  the  Moslems  attracted  widespread 
attention  and  excited  the  admiration  of  the  other 
European  rulers.  It  also  revived  the  hopes  for  the 
organization  of  crusades.  Pope  Eugene  IV  and 
Pius  II  made  each,  in  1444  and  1464  respectively, 
an  attempt  for  such  a  crusade,  of  which  the  second 
was  to  be  placed  under  the  high  command  of  Scan- 
derbeg. But  the  Middle  Ages  were  past  and  the 
zeal  for  crusades  had  consumed  itself. 


GEORGE  CASTRIOTA  SCANDERBEG  33 

On  the  other  hand,  Scanderbeg  had  to  undertake, 
during  one  of  the  relays  of  the  war  against  the  Turks, 
an  expedition  into  Italy  (1461)  in  order  to  protect 
his  friend  Ferdinand,  the  king  of  Naples,  against  the 
encroachments  of  the  Angevin  kings  of  Sicily. 

Upon  the  definitive  retirement  from  Albania  of 
the  hopeless  Mohammed  II,  in  the  fall  of  1466,  Scan- 
derbeg set  out  to  organize  his  free  kingdom.  His 
administrative  genius  proved  as  lucid  as  his  military 
ability;  but  he  had  not  gone  very  far  in  his  work 
when  death  overtook  him  at  Alessio  (1467),  and  Al- 
bania was  left  without  a  guiding  hand. 

He  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Alessio,  and 
when  the  Turks  took  that  place  in  1478,  his  tomb 
became  a  place  of  superstitious  veneration  on  their 
part.  The  bones  of  the  Albanian  hero  were  distrib- 
uted among  the  Turks  as  so  many  prodigious  talis- 
mans. 

The  Albanians,  on  their  side,  have  never  ceased 
to  mourn  the  death  of  their  celebrated  mediaeval 
king  who  united  them  against  the  common  enemy 
and  added  so  many  glorious  pages  in  the  book  of 
their  nation.  The  name  of  Scanderbeg  is  one  to  con- 
jure with  among  all  the  Albanians.  Many  of  them 
did  afterwards  embrace  the  religion  of  Mohammed, 
which  he  had  abjured,  but  the  memory  of  the  hero 
is  nevertheless  stronger  in  their  hearts. 

III.    THE   LAST    CAMPAIGNS 

On  his  deathbed  Scanderbeg  bequeathed  his  realm 
to  the  Venetian  Republic.  The  transfer  of  sover- 
eignty to  the  Venetians  was  inevitable  on  account 
of  the  lack  of  means  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war 
against  the  common  enemy,  and  because  the  infant 


34  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

heir  of  Scanderbeg  would  have  been  unable  to  hold 
together  the  Albanian  princes. 

Under  the  high  command  of  Venice,  the  Albanian 
lords  continued  the  struggle  against  the  Turks  who 
had  invaded  Albania  upon  hearing  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Scanderbeg.  The  conflict  lasted  eleven 
more  years,  and  it  was  only  when  Scutari,  Croia, 
and  Alessio  capitulated  in  1478  that  the  Sultan  could 
claim  Albania  as  one  of  the  provinces  of  his  vast 
empire. 

The  second  siege  of  Scutari,  in  1477,  is  very  re- 
markable not  only  because  the  1700  defenders  of  the 
fortress  withstood  the  attacks  of  40,000  Turks  for 
fifteen  months,  and  because  women  played  a  role 
equal  to  that  of  men  in  defending  the  city,  but  also 
because  it  was  during  this  siege  that  use  was  made, 
for  the  first  time,  of  incendiary  shells  of  startling 
weight  and  efficacy  for  that  epoch. 

Apart  from  the  city  of  Durazzo  which  the  Vene- 
tians lost  to  the  Turks  in  1499,  the  whole  of  Albania 
was  already  in  the  possession  of  the  Moslems.  In 
1501,  Venice,  the  suzerain  of  Albania,  signed  a 
formal  treaty  of  peace  by  which  she  renounced  her 
claims  on  the  latter  country  in  favor  of  the  Sultan. 

Peace  formally  reigned  also  in  the  interior  of 
Albania,  the  peace  of  despair  and  shattered  hopes. 
Apart  from  the  mountainous  districts  of  Mirdita, 
Mati,  Luma,  in  Northern  Albania,  and  of  Chimara, 
in  Southern  Albania,  which  retained  their  internal 
independence  up  to  1912,  the  rest  of  the  country 
was  practically  under  the  sway  of  the  Sultan. 
Changes  of  far-reaching  importance  in  the  conditions 
of  the  whole  of  Albania  were,  however,  to  take  place 
shortly  after,  as  we  shall  presently  see. 


THE  LAST  CAMPAIGNS  35 

REFERENCES 

Babbarich,  Eug.,  Albania,  pp.  177-193. 

Fallmerayer,  Dr.  J.  Ph.,  Das  Albanesiache  Element  in  Griechenland 
(See  Reference  Chapter  1),  Vol.  9,  pp.  1-110. 

Lavardin  du  Plessis,  Jacques  de,  Ilistoire  de  Georges  Castriot,  sur- 
nomme  Scanderbeg,  700  p.  Paris,  1621. 

Knolles,  The  General  Historic  of  the  Turkes,  London,  1603,  pp.  283- 
333,  365-403,  413-426. 

Marinus  Barletius,  De  vita  et  moribus  Georgii  Castrioti,  Venice, 
1504.  Also  Strassburg,  1597,  and  Frankfort,  1577.  (Barletius 
was  an  Albanian  priest,  native  of  Scutari,  contemporary  of  Scan- 
derbeg. He  also  wrote  De  obsidio  Scodrae,  and  De  expugnatione 
Scodrensis.) 

Petrovitch,  G.,  Scanderbeg,  Essai  de  bibliographie  raisonnee,  Paris, 
M.D.,  CCCLXXXI. 

Scapolo,  Emilio,  Venezia  e  Albania,  in  L'Ateneo  Veneto,  Venice,  1908 
(Foreign  relations  of  Albania  with  the  Republic  of  Venice). 


CHAPTER  V 

UNDER  TURKISH  DOMINATION 

(1478-1912) 

I.    THE   EFFECTS    OF    THE    CONQUEST 

Albania  was  the  last  Balkan  nationality  to  fall  un- 
der the  domination  of  the  Sultan.  Constantinople 
and  its  empire  had  capitulated  twenty-five  years  be- 
fore the  fall  of  Scutari,  Croia,  and  Alessio.  But, 
after  all,  the  country  was  now  in  the  possession  of 
the  Turkish  troops,  and  fate  had  decreed  that  this 
occupation  bring  about  some  very  important  changes. 

Though  the  domination  of  the  Sultan  was  to  be 
more  nominal  than  real  in  the  time  to  come,  the  Al- 
banian nation  is  still  laboring  under  the  pernicious 
effects  of  the  Turkish  conquest. 

Ethnically  and  racially  the  Albanians  have  been 
affected  in  no  way  by  their  submission  to  the  Otto- 
man rule,  because  the  despised  Turk  has  been  utterly 
incapable  of  exercising  any  kind  of  influence  on  their 
national  characteristics,  language,  customs  and  tra- 
ditions. 

But  the  Turk  did  exercise  an  ominous  influence  in 
other  directions. 

In  the  first  place,  a  great  number  of  the  Albanians, 
who  were  unwilling  to  reconcile  themselves  to  the 
conditions  created  by  the  imposition  of  a  hated  rule, 
chose  to  bid  farewell  to  their  native  country  and  mi- 
grate into  other  lands,  especially  into  Italy.  What 
is  still  worse  is  that  the  emigrants  represented  the 

36 


THE  EFFECTS  OF  THE  CONQUEST  37 

elite  of  the  nation,  so  that  Albania  was  deprived  of 
their  leadership  and  guidance  in  the  darkest  hours 
of  her  national  existence.  The  Albanian  colonies  of 
Italy  might  well  thrive  and  prosper,  as  they  did,  in 
full  consciousness  of  their  nationality  from  whose 
traditions,  customs,  language,  and  worship  they  have 
never  departed,  but  they  could  not  be  of  any  help  to 
the  bulk  of  the  nation  which  remained  under  the 
Turkish  rule.^ 

In  the  second  place,  the  Turkish  conquest  brought 
about  a  new  division  among  the  Albanians.  Just  as 
in  every  country  in  their  possession,  the  Turks  em- 
ployed a  great  deal  of  pressure  in  order  to  procure 
the  conversion  of  the  Albanians  to  the  Moslem  reli- 
gion. Though  the  pressure  was  weaker  in  Albania, 
because  of  the  weaker  control  they  were  able  to  com- 
mand therein,  one-half  of  the  whole  Albanian  nation 
was  induced  to  embrace  Islamism.  But  in  so  doing, 
the  Albanians  were  actuated  by  practical  considera- 
tions rather  than  by  any  religious  or  moral  motives. 
The  fact  is  that  they  resolved  to  sacrifice  their  religion 
on  the  altar  of  liberty.  Kealizing  the  loathsome  dis- 
abilities the  other  subject  Christians  were  laboring 
under  in  their  dealings  with  the  Turkish  government, 
they  sought  to  improve  their  standing  by  propitiat- 
ing the  fanatical  officials  through  their  conversion 
to  the  religion  of  Mohammed.  In  many  instances 
the  conversion  was  only  outwardly  and  a  mere  trav- 
esty. Yet,  by  their  action  they  came  to  be  treated 
as  allies  by  the  Turks,  and  rose  to  prominent  posts 
in  all  the  branches  of  the  Turkish  government.  But, 
unlike  the  other  Christians  who,  by  their  conversion 

1  For  further  details  on  the  Albanian  colonies  in  Italy  see  Ch. 
XVI,  VI.  AXBANiANS  IN  FOREIGN  LANDS — The  Albanians  of  Italy. 


38  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

to  Islamism,  assimilated  themselves  completely  with 
the  Turks,  the  Moslem  Albanians  never  forgot  their 
nationality,  and  their  allegiance  to  the  Mohammedan 
faith  did  not  in  any  way  supersede  or  weaken  the 
allegiance  to  their  own  nation.^  In  this  respect, 
they  present  the  most  striking  and  unique  exception 
to  the  rule  that  '*in  the  Balkans  nationality  means 
religion,  and  religion  is  nationality, ' ' 

Nevertheless,  the  position  of  the  Albanian  nation- 
ality has  been  considerably  weakened,  more  so  in  the 
eyes  of  the  outside  world  which  has  not  learned  to 
completely  dissociate,  as  it  should,  the  Moslem  Al- 
banian, who  is  primarily  an  Albanian,  from  the 
fanatical  Moslem  Turk  who  is  above  all  a  blind  fol- 
lower of  Mohammed. 

Thirdly,  the  Turkish  occupation  isolated  Albania 
entirely  from  the  outside  world  and  kept  her  out 
of  touch  with  higher  civilization,  inasmuch  as  the 
Turkish  control  has  been  mainly  exerted  on  the  sea- 
coast.  Consequently,  the  Albanians  fell  into  a  state 
of  political  languor  and  stagnation  which  enfeebled 
still  more  their  position  as  a  nationality. 

And  lastly,  as  a  result  of  their  fretting  and  contin- 
uous convulsions  against  the  Sultan,  the  Albanians 
became  more  bellicose,  more  nervous,  and  more  rest- 
less than  ever.  The  obvious  necessity  of  bearing 
arms  at  all  times  and  places  against  the  lurking 
enemy,  made  them  a  ^'nation-in-arms"  and  gave 
them  a  fierce  appearance.  This  latter  feature  has 
been  so  construed  as  to  give  birth  to  the  imaginary 
tales  of  "Albanian  brigands"  who,  in  reality,  have 
never  existed  in  Albania. 

1  A  more  detailed  discussion  on  the  position  of  the  Moslem  Alba- 
nians is  given  in  Ch.  XVI,  V.  the  religious  question. 


CONVULSIONS  AND  VPRI8IN0S  39 

II.    CONVULSIONS   AND   UPRISINGS 

The  Albanian  has  always  been  noteworthy  for  his 
dogged  endurance  in  resisting  the  consummation  of 
foreign  conquest  and  occupation  of  his  native  soil. 
The  blow  dealt  to  the  Albanians  by  the  Turks  in 
1478  was  a  very  hard  one,  but  it  was  not  long  before 
the  vanquished  sought  to  shake  off  the  foreign  rule, 
and  a  period  of  chronic  convulsions  and  uprisings 
set  in. 

On  hearing  the  report  of  the  Turkish  defeat  in  the 
battle  of  Lepanto  (1571),  the  Albanians  made  a 
series  of  desperate  attempts  to  get  rid  of  the  Turks 
and,  at  the  same  time,  to  draw  the  attention  of  the 
Christian  States  to  their  sufferings  and  their  cause. 
They  offered  the  crown  of  Scanderbeg  to  Charles 
Emmonuel  of  Savoy  and  to  the  Prince  of  Parma. 
Both  Italian  princes  refused  the  risky  crown,  and 
the  Albanians  had  to  resign  themselves  once  more 
to  their  cruel  fate.  They  had  even  been  forsaken 
by  their  former  ally,  Venice,  who  was  presently  in 
the  throes  of  conflict  with  the  German  Emperor. 

In  1689,  the  troops  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire 
entered  Albania  from  the  north  under  General  Picco- 
lomini,  and  on  his  retirement,  under  the  Duke  of  Hol- 
stein.  The  Albanians  made  again  a  new  attempt  to 
regain  independence,  but  the  Duke  was  so  arrogant 
in  his  dealings  with  his  Albanian  allies  that  the  lat- 
ter forced  him  to  retire  into  Hungary.  They  thus 
exposed  themselves  to  the  merciless  revenge  of  the 
Turks. 

Forty  years  later  (1737),  the  Austro-Russian 
armies  invaded  the  Albanian  possessions  of  the  Sul- 
tan.    The  native  population  thought  that  the  solemn 


40  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

moment  of  their  liberation  had  come.  They,  there- 
upon, rose  against  tlie  Turks,  in  anticipation  of  the 
assistance  on  the  part  of  the  coming  Austro-Russian 
troops.  But  the  Austrian  commander  proved  in- 
capable of  taking  advantage  of  the  situation ;  he  re- 
treated toward  Novi-Bazar,  leaving  his  Albanian 
confederates  to  the  mercy  of  the  Turks.  Neverthe- 
less, the  Albanians  held  out  by  themselves  for  three 
more  years.  The  Turks  succeeded  in  putting  down 
the  insurrection  only  after  two  sanguinary  repres- 
sions in  1740. 

These  uprisings,  especially  the  two  last  mentioned 
ones,  have  had  two  important  consequences : 

In  the  first  place,  the  religion  of  Mohammed  was 
presently  spread  on  a  larger  scale,  inasmuch  as  the 
Albanians  sought  to  escape  punishment  at  the  hands 
of  the  enraged  Turks  by  embracing  the  Moslem  re- 
ligion. This  is  especially  true  with  regard  to  the 
chiefs  of  the  insurgents,  who  thus  set  the  example 
to  their  followers. 

In  the  second  place,  the  Turkish  government  was 
made  to  learn,  through  the  instructive  lessons  af- 
forded by  these  uprisings,  that  there  was  but  one 
safe  way  of  keeping  the  Albanians  in  submission, 
namely,  by  allowing  them  to  retain  their  internal 
independence  and  by  applying  the  maxim  Divide  et 
impera.  On  the  one  hand,  then,  the  Turkish  govern- 
ment relaxed  its  grip  on  those  parts  of  the  popula- 
tion which  it  had  under  its  control  and  allowed  them 
to  retain  the  same  degree  of  independence  as  that 
enjoyed  by  the  mountain  districts  (see  p.  34).  It 
therefore  permitted,  and  even  encouraged,  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  number  of  tiny  independent  princi- 
palities.    On  the  other  hand,  it  adopted  the  policy 


THE  INDEPENDENT  OOVERNORS  41 

of  fostering  jealousy  among  the  various  clans  and  of 
sowing  the  seeds  of  discord  and  rivalry  among  the 
petty  rulers.  This  ingenious  scheme  of  playing  one 
chieftain  against  the  other  worked,  on  the  whole, 
pretty  well  for  a  long  time;  but  in  two  notable  in- 
stances, to  be  presently  referred  to,  it  nearly  proved 
fatal  to  its  sponsors.  It  did,  however,  serve  its  pur- 
pose, for  the  civil  strife  among  the  Albanians  was 
consuming  all  the  energy  they  otherwise  would  have 
collectively  employed  against  their  nominal  sover- 
eign. 

III.    THE   INDEPENDENT   GOVERNOES 

During  the  eighteenth  century,  in  the  midst  of  the 
turbulence  of  the  declining  Turkish  Empire,  the  Al- 
banians became  again  increasingly  prominent,  and 
the  two  notable  instances  to  which  allusion  has  al- 
ready been  made,  occurred  at  the  close  of  this  cen- 
tury when  the  governors  of  Scutari  and  Janina,  who 
had  been  appointed  by  the  Sultan,  attempted  to  free 
themselves  altogether  of  the  control  of  the  Turkish 
government  and  establish  independent  principalities. 
It  is  only  fair  to  treat  them  under  separate  headings. 

1.  Mahmud  Pasha  of  Scutari 

During  the  middle  part  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
there  lived  in  the  village  of  Bushatli,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Scutari,  an  influential  Albanian  noble- 
man, named  Mehmed.  His  reputation  proved  so 
shocking  to  the  Sublime  Porte  that  it  eventually  de- 
cided to  get  rid  of  him  by  sending  an  army  against 
the  pretentious  subject.  But  the  wily  Albanian 
showed  so  much  ability  in  fooling  the  emissary  of 
the  Sultan  that  he  was  able  to  obtain,  through  his 


42  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

agency,  the  title  of  Hereditary  Pasha  of  Scutari. 

Hardly  in  the  saddle,  Mehmed  set  to  work  out  his 
program  with  grim  determination.  And  he  began 
by  the  systematic  undoing  of  the  Turkish  scheme  of 
''divide  and  reign."  By  hook  and  crook,  he  sup- 
pressed, one  after  the  other,  the  numerous  petty 
rulers  of  Northern  Albania.  Shortly  after  he  ex- 
tended his  control  over  the  whole  of  Central  Albania, 
and  became  practically  independent  of  the  Sultan. 
But  the  Turks  avenged  their  wrath  by  bringing 
about  his  assassination,  because  of  his  refusal  to  join 
them  against  Russia. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Kara  Mahmud 
(Mahmud  the  Black),  who  proved  to  be  more  enter- 
prising and  audacious  than  his  father.  In  1785, 
Mahmud  attacked  and  defeated  the  forces  of  the 
Prince  of  Montenegro,  whose  capital  he  occupied. 
Growing  in  boldness,  he  invaded  at  the  same  time 
the  territories  Venice  was  holding  in  Albania.  The 
Eepublic  appealed  to  the  Sultan  for  help.  The  Sub- 
lime Porte  set  on  foot  an  expedition,  but  Mahmud 
encountered  the  Turks  and  gave  them  battle  in  the 
Kossova-Plain  in  which  the  troops  of  the  Sultan 
w^ere  routed.  Mahmud  was  now  able  to  annex  the 
Kossova  district  to  his  possessions.  Presently  he 
opened  negotiations  with  Joseph  II  of  Austria  with 
the  view  of  concluding  an  alliance  against  the  Sul- 
tan. The  Porte  dispatched  another  formidable  army 
against  Mahmud,  to  which  it  succeeded  in  adding  the 
Albanian  forces  oi  All  Pasha  of  Janina.  The  Turk- 
ish troops  invested  Scutari,  but  Mahmud  was  so  suc- 
cessful in  sowing  discord  in  his  enemies'  camp  that 
the  Albanian  contingent  of  Ali  Pasha  deserted  to 
his  side  with  all  the  artillery  of  the  Turks.    A  third 


THE  INDEPENDENT  GOVERNORS  43 

Turkish  army  was  destroyed  in  the  province  of  Mir- 
dita. 

Joseph  II  sent  his  ambassadors  to  Mahmud  for 
the  conclusion  of  the  alliance.  But  the  star  of  Mah- 
mud was  now  on  the  wane,  and  the  Austrian  emis- 
saries were  captured  and  murdered  by  the  Turks. 
Nevertheless,  the  independent  governorship  of  Scu- 
tari did  not  disappear  before  the  year  1829,  when 
Reshid  Pasha  was  sent  to  destroy  the  last  vestiges 
of  the  ambitious  enterprises  of  the  Scutarian  Pashas. 

2.  All  Pasha  of  Janina 

Ali  Pasha  of  Janina  was  native  of  Tepelen,  South- 
ern Albania.  He  was  the  contemporary  of  Mahmud 
Pasha  of  Scutari.  He  had  first  shown  his  ability 
to  deal  with  the  unruly  subjects  of  the  Sultan  in  his 
position  of  Provost-Marshal  of  the  Highways  when 
he  established  and  maintained  public  order  in  the 
hitherto  anarchy-ridden  provinces  of  Thessaly  and 
Southern  Albania. 

In  1788  he  received  his  investiture  as  Pasha  of 
Janina,  the  capital  of  Southern  Albania.  His  only 
ambition  was  now  to  become  entirely  independent  of 
the  Sultan.  Moreover,  he  conceived  the  fiery  proj- 
ect of  building  for  himself  an  Albanian  Empire 
which  would  have  included  the  whole  of  Greece  as 
well  as  the  Ionian  Islands,  then  in  the  occupation  of 
France  and  later  a  British  protectorate.  And  he  set 
out  to  do  it  in  the  most  cold-blooded  and  matter-of- 
course  way,  having  no  scruples  whatsoever  in  his 
choice  of  means,  provided  they  served  his  ambitious 
purposes.  Hardly  Pasha  of  Janina,  he  began  brib- 
ing the  ministers  of  the  Sultan  in  order  to  insure 
their  indifference  in  his  activities,  acting  on  his  oft- 


44  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

quoted  maxim  ''the  waters  sleep,  but  not  envy." 
He  set  to  flatter  all  the  world  and  all  the  religions ; 
he  offered  oblations  to  the  Holy  Virgin  of  his  Chris- 
tian subjects  and  allies  with  as  much  false  devotion 
as  to  the  Moslem  saints.  His  main  characteristics 
were :  hypocrisy,  unscrupulousness,  cruelty,  and  un- 
principled as  well  as  unlimited  ambition. 

With  the  obstacles  he  met  to  the  carrying  out 
of  his  design  he  dealt  in  a  summary  way.  There 
were  two  main  handicaps  to  his  projects:  the  Chris- 
tian Albanian  Republic  of  Suli,  which  was  as  loath 
to  part  with  its  independence  as  Ali  was  desirous  of 
asserting  his  own  domination,  and  the  powerful  na- 
tive Moslem  Beys  among  whom  Southern  Albania 
was  divided.  He  first  set  to  curb  the  power  of  the 
Beys  by  allying  himself  with  the  Christian  Albanians 
of  Suli.  When  that  end  was  reached  he  turned 
against  his  former  allies,  the  Suliots.  Twice  the 
Suliots  and  the  Beys  allied  themselves  against  the 
common  enemy;  but  each  time  Ali  Pasha  was  able 
to  divide  them  by  the  use  of  his  inexhaustible  Mac- 
chiavelian  stratagems.  Eventually,  he  succeeded  in 
destroying  the  power  of  the  Beys,  and  after  three 
campaigns,  which  immortalized  the  incomparable 
gallantry  and  brave  resistance  of  the  Suliots,  the 
independent  communities  of  the  latter  were  de- 
stroyed from  their  foundations.  His  cruelty  in 
dealing  with  the  Christian  Suliots  was  as  atrocious 
as  the  treatment  he  meted  out  to  the  Moslem  Beys 
and  their  followers.  Ali  was  not  a  man  to  be  swayed 
by  religious  preferences. 

The  dawn  of  the  nineteenth  century  found  Ali 
Pasha  practically  independent  and  flirting  succes- 


THE  INDEPENDENT  GOVERNORS  45 

sively  with  the  Powers  engaged  in  the  Napoleonic 
wars,  first  ^vith.  Russia,  the  hereditary  enemy  of  his 
enemy,  the  Sultan,  then  with  France,  Great  Britain 
and  Austria.^  To  the  rising  Republic  of  France  he 
sent  his  best  wishes,  and  proudly  wore  the  cockade 
of  liberty  which  General  Roze  was  commissioned  to 
deliver  to  him.  Moreover,  he  ordered  that  the 
"  Carmagnolle "  be  sung  in  the  streets  of  Janina  in 
honor  of  the  envoy  of  the  Revolution.  But,  on  hear- 
ing of  the  French  disaster  at  Aboukir  (1798),  to 
which  he  had  contributed  by  supplying  provisions 
to  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Nelson,  Ali  imprisoned  Roze 
and  sent  him  handcuffed  to  Constantinople.  As 
soon,  however,  as  the  star  of  Napoleon  began  to  shine 
brilliantly  on  the  horizon,  the  Pasha  of  Janina 
steered  away  from  his  friendship  with  England,  and 
began  to  court  the  envoys  of  the  Emperor  with  as 
much  assiduity  and  as  many  protestations  of  loyalty 
as  he  had  shown  in  supplying  the  ships  of  Nelson. 
At  the  time  of  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  Tilsit, 
Ali  Pasha  sent  his  own  Secretary  of  State  to  the  lat- 
ter place  to  remind  Napoleon  of  the  services  he  had 
rendered  to  him  and  to  seek  a  compensation  for  his 
loyalty. 

But  at  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  wars  and  on  the 
termination  of  the  Russo-Turkish  conflicts,  the  Sul- 
tan resolved  to  get  rid  of  Ali  Pasha.  In  1820,  an 
imperial  firman  declared  Ali  an  enemy  of  the  Em- 
pire and  of  the  Mohammedan  religion.     Two  Turk- 

1  Prince  Metternich  records  in  his  Memoires  that  one  day  he  was 
called  upon  by  an  envoy  of  Ali  Pasha.  The  envoy  explained  that 
he  was  sent  by  the  Pasha  to  obtain  from  Prince  Metternich  a  "Con- 
stitution," a  thinfj  which  his  master  did  not  know  what  it  was  like, 
except  that  he  had  heard  that  it  was  quite  necessary  for  the  founda- 
tion of  an  Empire! 


46  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ish  armies  invaded  Albania,  and,  after  two  years  of 
siege  in  his  fortresses  of  Janina,  Ali  Pasha  was 
taken  by  ruse  and  beheaded  immediately.^ 

After  the  fall  of  Ali  Pasha  and  the  decay  of  the 
independent  governorship  of  Scutari,-  the  Porte  un- 
dertook another  campaign  in  Albania  in  order  to 
wipe  off  all  traces  of  their  existence.  The  result 
was  that  the  domination  of  the  Sultan  got  a  stronger 
hold  on  the  country,  especially  as  the  two  Pashas 
had  previously  suppressed  all  the  petty  rulers  on 
w^hose  jealousy  and  rivalry  the  Porte  relied  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  sovereign  rights  in  Albania. 

A  period  of  comparative  calmness  ensued,  but  new 
insurrectionary  outbreaks  took  place  again  in  1835 
and  1847  respectively  in  Northern  and  Southern  Al- 
bania, without,  however,  bringing  about  any  appre- 
ciable changes  in  the  conditions  of  the  country.  In 
1865,  the  Turkish  government  took  advantage  of  the 

1  The  tragical  death  of  Ali  Pasha  is  made  use  of  as  a  part  of  the 
plot  of  Alexandre  Dumas  P&re's  Le  Comte  de  Monte  Cristo,  in  which 
the  villain  of  his  story,  Fernand  de  Morcerf,  is  represented  as  the 
man  who  betrayed  the  aged  Pasha  to  the  Turks. 

2  At  the  time  when  Ali  Pasha  and  Mahmud  Pasha  were  striving 
to  consolidate  their  rule  in  their  respective  possessions,  a  third  Pasha 
of  Albanian  origin  and  nationality  was  quietly  building  a  State 
for  himself  as  well  as  for  his  successors  and  heirs.  We  are  referring 
to  the  famous  Mehmed  Ali  Pasha,  the  founder  of  the  reigning  KJaedi- 
vial  dynasty  of  Egypt.  He  was  native  of  a  small  village  of  Southern 
Albania  and  was  the  contemporary  of  the  two  other  Pashas. 

This  Albanian  adventurer  has  been  far  more  successful  in  his  en- 
deavors than  either  Mahmud  Pasha  or  Ali  Pasha,  for  while  the  in- 
dependent governorships  created  by  the  former  two  disappeared  in  a 
a  comparatively  short  time  without  leaving  any  traces,  the  State 
Mehmed  Ali  Pasha  built  is  still  existing  and  is  being  ruled  by  hia 
descendants.  He,  moreover,  enjoyed  a  more  lasting  fame  because  of 
the  important  role  he  played  in  international  politics,  in  his  quality 
as  the  reigning  Hereditary  Pasha  of  Egypt,  when  he  nearly  over- 
threw the  whole  tottering  structure  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  which 
was  only  saved  by  the  timely  intervention  of  Great  Britain,  Russia, 
and  Austria  who  allied  themselves  with  the  Sultan  in  order  to  pro- 
tect him  against  Mehmed  Ali  Pasha,  his  vassal   (1840). 


ALBANIANS  IN  THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION  47 

situation  in  order  to  apply  the  new  administrative 
organization  which  it  had  dra^\^l  especially  for  Al- 
bania. By  the  new  arrangement,  Northern  Albania, 
whose  compact  population  was  a  constant  source  of 
anxiety  to  the  Sublime  Porte,  was  now  carved  out 
into  three  separate  provinces. 

IV.    ALBANIANS    IN    THE    GREEK    REVOLUTION 

Acting  in  his  own  interests  and  in  furtherance  of 
his  o^vii  objects,  Ali  Pasha  had  assiduously  labored 
to  stir  up  discontent  against  the  Sultan  among  the 
Greek  population  of  the  outlying  provinces.  Under 
a  secret  understanding  with  Catherine  II  of  Russia, 
he  had  undertaken  to  weaken  the  power  of  the 
Turkish  Beys  ruling  over  the  Greek  provinces,  thus 
hoping  to  facilitate  the  activities  of  the  Filiki  Etai- 
ria,  v/hich  was  operating  under  the  protection  and 
in  the  interests  of  the  Russian  Empress  as  well  as 
in  those  of  the  Greek  nation.  It  was  obvious,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  the  existence  of  a  state  of  disturb- 
ance in  Greece  was  more  than  gratifying  in  many 
ways  to  Ali  Pasha. 

In  so  far,  then,  the  Pasha  not  only  encouraged  the 
Greek  movement,  while  trying  to  keep  it  within  the 
limits  that  suited  him  and  under  his  control,  but  he 
also  was  the  avowed  protector  of  the  future  leaders 
of  the  Greek  revolution.  The  cause  of  the  Greek 
insurrection  was  still  more  furthered  by  the  fact 
that  the  uprising  took  place  exactly  at  the  time  when 
the  bulk  of  the  Turkish  army  was  employed  in  be- 
sieging the  fortresses  of  Ali  Pasha. 

The  most  important  feature  of  this  whole  matter, 
however,  is  the  momentous  role  played  directly  by 
the  Albanians  in  the  course  of  the  revolution.     The 


48  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

principal  personages  of  the  Greek  revolution,  such 
as  Marco  Bochari,  DjaveUa,  Andrucho  and  others, 
had  at  first  figured  as  military  commanders  in  the 
court  of  Ali  Pasha.  Many  of  them  had  been  es- 
tranged from  the  Pasha  on  account  of  his  ruthless 
treatment  of  the  Suliots,  their  compatriots,  and  now 
joined  the  Greeks  out  of  spite  of  Ali,  while  others 
did  not  forsake  the  cause  of  Ali  Pasha  till  after  the 
fall  of  Janina  and  his  execution,  and  presently  em- 
braced the  cause  of  the  Greek  Revolution  as  a  means 
of  revenge  against  the  common  enemy,  the  Turk. 
Among  these  was  Marco  Bochari,  whom  Ali  endear- 
ingly called  his  *' beloved  son."^  Another  reason 
why  these  heroic  Albanians,  whose  names  are  to  be 
conjured  with  among  the  Greeks,  went  over  to  the 
side  of  the  latter  is  that  Greece  was  a  Christian  na- 
tion fighting  against  the  Sultan. 

Not  less  important,  however,  was  the  role  played 
by  the  Albanians  of  Greece  (see  pp.  24-25).  It  is 
on  them  that  fell  the  main  burden  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  war  of  the  Greek  independence.  But  for 
the  astonishing  feats  and  exploits  in  naval  warfare 
of  the  commercial  fleet  of  the  Albanian  Islands  Hy- 
dra and  Spetsai,  which  was  under  the  command  of 
the  devil-daring  Admiral  Miauli,  the  Greek  revo- 
lution was  doomed  to  a  disastrous  failure.  The  ad- 
miral, his  sailors,  and  the  celebrated  female  naval 
commander  Bubulina  were  the  direct  descendants  of 
the  Albanian  emigrants  John  Bua  Spata  led  to 
Greece.2 

1  Marco  Bochari  is  the  author  also  of  an  Albanian-Greek  dictionary. 

2  The  world  has  grown  with  the  idea,  propagated  by  the  Greeks, 
that  all  the  men  referred  to  above  were  Greeks,  and  the  fact  that  has 
conspired  to  rob  the  Albanian  nation  of  the  luster  of  these  celebrated 
names  Ib  the  circumstance  that  all  these  men  were  Christian  Al- 


ALBANIANS  IN  THE  GREEK  REVOLUTION  49 

In  conclusion,  we  may  say  with  Mr.  Wadham  Pea- 
cock that  it  was  not  likely  that  the  independence  of 
Greece  would  have  been  obtained  but  for  the  inval- 
uable services  rendered  to  the  revolution  by  the  Al- 
banians, both  of  Albania  and  Greece,  who  supplied 
the  best  fighting  material.^ 

REFERENCES 

Barbarich,  Eug.,  Albania,  pp.  194-200. 

BoPPE,  AuGUSTE,  L'Albanie  et  Napoleon   (1797-1814),  Paris,  1914. 

History  of  the  Visir  Ali  Pasha,  surnamed  The  Lion,  compiled  from 
onicial  documents,  London,  1828. 

Ibrahim  Maxzour  Efendi  (Samson  de  Cerfleer  de  Medelsheim), 
Memoires  sur  la  Gr&ce  et  I'Albanie,  pendant  le  gouvernement 
d'Ali  Pasha,  Paris,  1827.  (The  author  is  a  renegade  French- 
man in  the  military  service  of  Ali  Pasha.) 

La  Vie  de  Kara  ^VLahmud  Pasha,  No.  2  of  the  "Petite  Biblioteque 
Albanaise."  Brussels,   1899. 

PoUQUEViLLE,  F.  C.  (Consul  of  France  in  the  court  of  Ali  Pasha), 
Histoire  de  la  regeneration  de  la  Grfece,  Paris,  1824,  Vol.  III. 

banians  of  the  Eastern  or  "Greek"  Orthodox  rite.  The  name  "Greek" 
has  both  a  religious  and  a  national  meaning.  In  its  religious  sense 
it  applies  generally  to  Russians,  Roumanians,  Serbians,  Albanians, 
and  Greeks.  In  its  national  sense  it  can  hut  apply  only  to  the  proper 
Greeks.  But  the  modern  Greeks  have  not  been  slow  in  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  misleading  meaning  of  this  word.  This  is  especially 
seen  in  their  contention  that  the  population  of  Southern  Albania  or 
Epirus  is  Greek,  for  no  other  plausible  reason  than  the  fact  that 
this  population  belongs  to  the  "Greek"  Orthodox  Church,  although 
the  inhabitants  are  Albanians. 

1  "Albania,  the  Foundling  State  of  Europe,"  p.  178. 


CHAPTER  VI 
REGENERATION 

I.    THE   ALBANIAN"    LEAGUE 

It  would  seem  extremely  curious  and,  at  the  same 
time,  inconsistent  with  their  national  character  that 
the  Albanians  did  not  stir  during  the  great  Balkan 
upheaval  which  was  occasioned  by  the  Russo-Turkish 
war  of  1877-1878,  although  they  had  been  invited  to 
join  the  Montenegrins.  This  attitude  of  theirs,  the 
reasons  of  which  will  be  explained  else\\here^\woiild 
appear  all  the  more  puzzling  in  view  ofthe  events 
that  took  place  at  the  very  termination  of  that  war. 

Yet,  among  the  various  petitions  sent  to  the  Con- 
gress of  Berlin  on  the  part  of  the  oppressed  nation- 
alities there  w^as  also  one  transmitted  by  the  Al- 
banians claiming  recognition  of  their  nationality. 
But  the  Iron  Chancellor  of  Germany,  who  had  impa- 
tiently exclaimed  '' another  one!"  when  Lord  Salis- 
bury purposed  that  the  Congress  should  discuss  the 
Armenian  question,-  brushed  aside  the  Albanian  pe- 
tition with  the  remark  "There  is  no  Albanian  na- 
tionality!" But  he  was  shortly  made  to  reconsider 
his  statement  in  a  manner  that  was  derogatory  to  his 
professed  omniscience. 

Acting  on  the  premises  laid  down  by  Prince  Bis- 
marck, who  was  presiding  over  it,  the  Congress  pro- 

1  See  below,  p.  176. 

2  Hanotaux,  G.,  "Contemporary  France,"  Vol.  IV,  p.  349. 

50 


THE  ALBANIAN  LEAGUE  51 

ceeded  to  its  business  without  much  regard  for  na- 
tional and  local  considerations,  save  those  that  were 
meant  to  patch  up  the  shattered  balance  of  power  in 
the  Balkans.  In  the  new  arrangement  of  the  Balkan 
affairs,  Albania  was  to  suffer  a  curtailment  of  her 
territory  for  the  benefit  of  her  neighbors.  Kursh- 
umli-Vrania  was  assigned  to  Serbia,  Antivari  and  its 
seacoast,  and  the  highlands  of  Gussigne-Plava  and 
Triepshi  were  to  be  ceded  to  Montenegro,  and  Greece 
was  to  get  Janina,  the  very  capital  of  Ali  Pasha, 
Prevesa,  and  Arta  with  their  respective  districts. 

The  Albanians  protested  against  this  partition  of 
their  national  patrimony,  but,  as  there  was  no  Al- 
banian nationality  in  the  opinion  of  Bismarck,  the 
Congress  of  Berlin  took  no  heed  of  their  protest. 
In  the  face  of  such  a  manifest  injustice,  the  Albani- 
ans resolved  to  take  matters  into  their  own  hands. 
Thereupon,  ''the  Albanian  League  for  the  Defense 
of  the  Rights  of  the  Albanian  Nationality"  was 
formed  at  Prisrend.  The  headquarters  of  the 
League  were  at  Elbasan,  in  the  heart  of  Albai.ia, 
with  two  branches  at  Prisrend  and  Arghyrocastrc 

The  formation  of  the  League  is  a  landmark  in  the 
modern  development  of  the  Albanian  nation.  Prop- 
erly speaking,  it  is  the  dawn  of  the  national  awaken- 
ing of  Albania.  Hitherto  the  movements  toward  in- 
dependence had  been  made  by  individuals,  such  as 
the  Pashas  of  Scutari  and  Janina,  or  by  unorganized 
popular  commotions.  The  formation  of  the  League 
marks  the  awakening  of  the  Albanians  to  the  realiza- 
tion of  their  own  position,  under  a  properly  organ- 
ized national  body.  None  could  deny,  of  course,  that 
its  formation  was  at  first  instigated  and  encouraged 
by  the  Porte,  which  expected  to  avoid  in  this  way 


52  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  execution  of  the  decisions  of  the  Congress  of 
Berlin  with  regard  to  the  transfer  of  the  Albanian 
territories  to  the  respective  Balkan  States.  But,  as 
the  coming  events  were  to  prove,  the  subsequent  ac- 
tivities of  the  League  caused  more  uneasiness  to  the 
Turkish  government  than  to  Montenegro  or  Greece. 

The  first  act  of  the  League  was  formally  to  pro- 
test against  the  alienation  of  the  Albanian  terri- 
tories. This  warning  was  repeated  in  a  second  pro- 
test which  the  League  sent  to  the  International 
Commission  for  the  delimitation  of  the  boundary 
of  Montenegro  in  which  it  said  that  "no  transfer  of 
territory  could  be  effected  without  the  consent  of 
Albania."  Europe  went  on  being  deaf  to  the  Al- 
banian protests,  and  in  the  month  of  December,  1879, 
the  Montenegrin  troops  proceeded  to  seize  the  terri- 
tories assigned  to  them.  But  as  soon  as  they  crossed 
the  frontier  they  came  face  to  face  with  the  armed 
forces  of  the  League.  A  lively  engagement  took 
place,  and  the  Montenegrins  were  compelled  to  stop 
their  advance.  The  Prince  of  Montenegro  appealed, 
then,  to  the  Porte,  which  sent  Mukhtar  Pasha  at  the 
head  of  an  army  in  order  to  reenf orce  the  Montene- 
grin forces.  The  allied  Turko-Montenegrin  troops 
attacked  the  Albanians  without  being  able  to  dis- 
lodge them.  The  League  was  giving  to  Bismarck 
and  his  august  diplomatic  colleagues  the  tangible 
proof  that  Albania  was  not  a  mere  geographical  ex- 
pression, as  he  wanted  her  to  be,  any  more  than  Italy 
was  a  geographical  name  in  1815  because  Metternich 
had  said  so. 

In  view  of  the  resolute  resistance  of  the  Albanians, 
the  great  European  Powers,  signatories  of  the  treaty 
of  Berlin,  were  forced  to  modify  their  original  deci- 


THE  AFTERMATH  OF  THE  LEAGUE  53 

sions.  They  now  resolved  that,  instead  of  the  high- 
lands of  Gussigne-Plava,  Montenegro  was  to  receive 
in  exchange  the  seaport  of  Dulcigno  with  a  strip  of 
territory.  The  Albanians  opposed  again  this  trade 
of  their  national  territories.  As  a  result,  the  great 
European  Powers  resorted  to  the  only  effective 
measure  at  their  disposal:  they  sent  their  fleet  to 
bombard  the  Albanians  defending  Dulcigno.  The 
small  garrison  of  the  city  was  forced  to  surrender 
under  the  shells  of  the  European  warships  (1880). 

As  to  Greece,  she  was  unable  to  get  any  of  the 
Albanian  territories  assigned  to  her  by  the  Congress 
of  Berlin,  the  Powers  having  dropped  the  matter, 
''in  consideration  of  the  complications  which  the 
well-kno\vn  resistance  of  the  Albanians  would  pro- 
duce. ' ' 

The  resistance  of  the  forces  organized  by  the  Al- 
banian League  to  the  carrying  out  of  the  decisions 
of  Europe,  accompanied  as  it  was  by  many  heroic 
deeds  on  the  part  of  the  defenders  of  the  national 
soil,  produced  a  thrill  of  nation-wide  enthusiasm. 
This  armed  opposition  came  to  be  known  as  ''the 
war  against  Europe,"  and  forms  one  of  the  cele- 
brated episodes  in  the  annals  of  the  Albanian  nation. 

II.    THE    AFTERMATH    OF    THE   LEAGUE 

As  a  result  of  the  termination  of  disputes  over 
the  Albanian-Montenegrin  frontier,  through  the 
armed  intervention  of  the  European  Powers,  and  of 
the  deferred  cession  of  a  part  of  Southern  Albania 
to  Greece,  the  diplomatic  bickering  of  the  Porte  with 
Europe  relative  to  these  questions  was  over.  Con- 
sequently, the  Turkish  government  thought  that  the 
Albanian  League  had  already  outlived  its  useful- 


64  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ness.  The  reasoning  of  the  Sublime  Porte  was 
that  the  League  should  disappear  with  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  causes  that  necessitated  its  forma- 
tion. In  reality,  the  Porte  never  looked  upon  it 
otherwise  than  as  a  filibustering  expedient  which 
might  be  good  enough  to  be  utilized  for  its  own  pur- 
poses in  order  to  avert  the  necessity  of  the  evacua- 
tion and  the  transfer  of  the  Albanian  territories  on 
the  ground  that  they  were  Albanian.  It  was  the 
first,  as  well  as  the  last,  occasion  on  which  the  Turk- 
ish government  embraced  the  principle  of  nationali- 
ties. 

But  the  men  who  had  formed  the  League  did  not 
share  in  the  Turkish  vie\vpoint.  Once  they  got 
started,  they  thought  they  should  go  on  mth  their 
work.  And  when  the  Sultan  resorted  to  the  use 
of  armed  force  against  it,  the  League  brought  its 
organized  forces  against  the  Sultan  himself.  The 
Leaguers  set  out,  presently,  to  make  plans  for  the 
further  prosecution  of  the  national  work  by  way 
of  preparing  the  people  to  look  after  their  own 
interests.  Eventually,  they  issued  a  proclamation 
to  the  Albanians  whereby  they  advocated  the  neces- 
sity of  the  establishment  of  an  autonomous  regime 
for  the  whole  of  Albania. 

The  Porte  grew  uneasy  over  these  activities  and 
hastened  to  take  the  necessary  measures.  Dervish 
Pasha  was,  therefore,  commissioned  to  suppress  the 
League  altogether.  At  the  head  of  a  large  army,  he 
invaded  the  territories  under  the  rule  of  the  League, 
the  Turkish  government  having  had  previously  sur- 
rendered the  northern  part  of  Albania  to  the  au- 
thorities established  by  the  Leaguers.     The  Alba- 


THE  AFTERMATH  OF  THE  LEAGUE  55 

nian  forces  arrayed  themselves  against  the  invaders ; 
but,  after  a  series  of  bloody  engagements,  their  des- 
perate resistance  was  crushed  down  by  the  more 
numerous  Turks.  The  Leaguers  w^ere  dispersed, 
and  the  leaders  of  the  insurrectionary  movement 
were  either  imprisoned,  or  executed  or  exiled. 
Among  the  latter  was  Prenk  Bib  Doda  Pasha,  the 
hereditary  Prince  of  the  Catholic  district  of  Mirdita, 
and  he  did  not  return  to  his  country  till  after  the 
promulgation  of  the  Turkish  Constitution  in  1908. 

But  the  victory  of  Dervish  Pasha  over  the  forces 
of  the  League  did  not  put  an  end  to  the  agitation 
or  to  its  momentous  effects.  The  serious  situation 
of  the  Albanian  affairs  attracted  the  attention  of 
Europe,  and  Great  Britain  proposed  the  establish- 
ment of  an  administrative  autonomy  in  that  part  of 
Albania  which  had  been  innnediately  in  the  posses- 
sion and  under  the  control  of  the  forces  and  authori- 
ties of  the  League.^ 

1  In  a  long  despatch  from  Earl  Granville,  Her  Britannic  Majesty's 
Secretary  for  P'oreign  Affairs,  to  G.  J.  Goschen,  British  ambassador 
to  Constantinople,  under  date  of  October  2,  1880,  the  whole  question 
of  the  complications  that  arose  between  the  Albanians  and  Montene- 
gro, as  well  as  the  situation  created  by  the  activities  of  the  League,  is 
reviewed  and  discussed.  The  attitude  of  the  Powers  toward  the 
League  will  be  seen  from  the  few  condensed  paragraphs  we  reproduce 
herein  below: 

"Her  Majesty's  Consul-General  at  Scutari,  together  with  the  Aus- 
trian Consul-General,  had  suggested  some  time  previously  that  an  al- 
ternative plan  might  be  proposed  with  greater  prospect  of  success  for 
bringing  about  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulty,  if  the  Porte  would 
consent  to  the  surrender  of  the  district  of  Dulcigno,  together  with  a 
small  strip  of  territory  between  the  Lake  of  Scutari  and  Podgoritza, 
and  the  Kuci  Kraina,  but  excluding  the  Hotti  district  and  the  Grudi 
and  Clementi  mountains. 

"Her  Majesty's  Government  were  informed  that  the  scheme  had 
been  mentioned  to  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  North  Albanians,  who 
intimated  that  they  may  not  be  unwilling  to  agree  to  it  if  the  Pow- 
ers would  guarantee  to  them  some  form  of  local  self-government. 


56  ALBANIA,  PAfiT  AND  PRESENT 

To  all  appearances,  the  League  was  suppressed. 
But,  in  reality,  it  only  changed  its  outward  form, 
and,  from  a  public  political  association  it  became 

"Her  Majesty's  Government  have  always  had  in  view  the  import- 
ance of  establishing  a  better  system  of  administration  for  the  various 
clans  which  occupy  the  highlands  of  Albania.  .  .  ." 

"The  result  of  the  communications  between  the  Powers,  tlie  Prince 
of  Montenegro  and  the  Albanians  was  that  the  following  joint  pro- 
posals of  Mr.  Green  (the  British  Consul-General)  and  Mr.  Lippich 
(the  Austrian  Consul-General)  were  telegraphed  to  Your  Excellency: 

"The  Consuls  to  be  enabled  to  assure  the  North  Albanians  that 
their  legitimate  aspirations  will  not  be  disregarded.  .  .  . 

"These  administrative  reforms  should,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Green 
and  the  Austrian  Consul-General,  be  limited  for  the  present  to  the 
vilayet  of  Scutari. 

"The  Governor-General  of  Scutari  Vilayet  to  be  an  Albanian  Mo- 
hammedan, to  be  chosen,  if  possible,  in  the  Vilayet,  the  Vice-Governor 
to  be  a  Roman  Catholic.  .  .  . 

"The  proposed  form  of  administration  to  be  submitted  for  consid- 
eration to  the  North  Albanians. 

"Lord  Edmond  Fitzmaurice,  Her  Majesty's  Commissioner  on  the 
Eastern  Roumelian  frontier  .  .  .  \vas  informed  of  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  British  and  Austrian  Consuls-General,  and  a  scheme  for 
the  administration  of  the  sandjak  of  Scutari,  in  the  sense  of  these 
recomendations,  was  prepared  and  presented  to  the  Commission  by 
the  Austrian  and  French  Commissioners  .  .  .  But  the  Russian  Com- 
missioner, for  the  reasons  stated  by  him  at  the  time,  was  unable  to 
accept  this  scheme  without  instructions.  The  other  Commissioners 
adopted  it,  and  recommended  it  to  the  Porte,  adding  that  they  would 
wish  that  .  .  .  regard  should  be  equally  had  to  the  immunities  of  the 
mountainous  districts  beyond  the  limit  of  the  sandjak  of  Scutari, 
and  especially  to  the  immunities  of  the  Chimara.i  The  Commission- 
ers also  saw  no  objection  to  the  Albanian  districts  being  united  in  a 
single  Vilayet. 

"In  supporting  these  proposals.  Lord  Edmond  Fitzmaurice,  with 
the  concurrence  of  all  the  Commissioners,  stated  that  the  Commis- 
sion ought  not  to  separate  without  having  given  this  tangible  proof 
to  the  Albanians  that  the  Powers  were  concerned  in  their  welfare. 

"It  would  be  desirable  that  some  opportunity  should  be  taken  to 
make  the  Albanians  acquainted  with  the  interest  that  has  been  taken 
by  the  Powers  in  the  improvement  of  their  local  administration,  and 
in  securing  to  them  their  ancient  privileges  and  immunities.  .  .  ." 

But,  despite  this  solemn  show  of  interest,  the  Powers  did  nothing 
for  the  Albanians,  whom  they  forgot  as  soon  as  the  League  was  sup- 
pressed. 

1  See  page  34. 


THE  NATIONAL  SOCIETIES  67 

a  secret  national  society,  a  sort  of  Carbonari.  Un- 
der its  latter  form,  the  League  made  some  manifes- 
tations of  its  underground  activities  in  1897,  at  the 
time  of  the  Greek-Turkish  War,  and  in  1903,  con- 
jointly with  the  Bulgarian  uprising  in  Macedonia. 

The  avowed  program  of  the  League  consisted  in 
awakening  the  national  spirit  among  the  Albanian 
masses,  and  in  the  effort  to  rally  the  various  re- 
ligious groups  around  the  ideal  of  an  independent 
Albania  where  each  group  would  assume  and  play 
its  moral  role,  instead  of  mingling  in  politics,  as  it 
had  been  allowed  to  do  under  the  theocratical  Turk- 
ish regime. 

III.    THE    NATIONAL    SOCIETIES 

The  seeds  sown  by  the  Albanian  League  during 
its  shortlived  existence  had  fallen  on  fertile  ground. 
Its  initial  work  was  now  taken  up  by  a  number  of 
national  societies  which  sprang  up  clandestinely  in 
Albania,  but  mainly  in  foreign  lands,  such  as  Rou- 
mania,  Bulgaria,  Egypt,  and,  in  more  recent  time,  in 
the  United  States.  The  common  aim  of  these  popu- 
lar organizations  has  been  to  stimulate  the  national 
sentiment  and  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  unity 
among  the  Albanians  by  the  destruction  of  the  reli- 
gious barriers  which  the  Turkish  government  had 
erected  in  order  to  keep  the  Albanians  disunited; 
for,  despite  the  astonishing  religious  toleration  of 
the  Albanian  people,  which  at  times  amounts  to  in- 
difference and  which  cannot  be  found  elsewhere  in 
the  Balkans,  the  religious  differences  had  been 
heightened  by  the  sinister  influence  of  the  Turkish 
authorities. 


68  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

There  were  three  almost  insurmountable  obstacles 
the  Albanian  national  societies  set  out  to  overcome, 
besides  the  religious  question. 

In  the  first  place,  the  almost  complete  lack  of  Al- 
banian literature  rendered  the  spread  of  education 
among  the  Albanians  in  their  native  language  almost 
impossible.  The  oldest  book  in  the  Albanian  lan- 
guage was  published  only  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
and,  after  it,  practically  no  serviceable  books  made 
their  appearance. 

In  the  second  place,  even  if  there  were  any  Al- 
banian books  they  could  not  be  of  any  use,  inasmuch 
as  the  Turkish  government  had  definitively  barred 
the  Albanian  language  from  the  few  schools  that 
existed  in  Albania.  The  Sultan  had  taken  great 
care  that  his  Moslem  Albanian  subjects  be  educated 
in  nothing  else  but  in  the  Turkish  schools  and  in  the 
Turkish  language.  As  to  the  Christian  Albanians 
he  let  them  make  use  of  any  other  language  but 
Albanian,  so  that  the  Orthodox  Albanians,  adherents 
of  the  Greek  Church  of  Constantinople,  were  brought 
to  adopt  the  Greek  tongue  as  their  educational,  reli- 
gious, and  business  language.^ 

In  the  third  place,  the  Albanian  language  was  in- 
terdicted by  a  decree  of  the  Greek  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople who  threatened  with  excommunication 
and  eternal  damnation  any  Orthodox  Albanian  who 
would  use  the  "accursed"  Albanian  language  either 
in  schools  or  in  the  churches. 

1  This  use  of  the  Greek  language  in  the  schools  of  the  Orthodox 
Albanians  of  Southern  Albania  or  Epirus  has  been  employed  by  the 
Greeks  as  one  of  their  strongest  argiunents  in  support  of  their  claim 
that  Southern  Albania  is  inhabited  by  Greeks,  in  addition  to  the  will- 
ful distortion  of  the  meaning  of  the  word  "Greek,"  which  has  been 
already  explained  in  a  note  under  pages  48-49. 


THE  NATIONAL  SOCIETIES  59 

As  a  result  of  the  disturbances  which  took  place 
during  the  years  1878-1880,  the  Turkish  government 
relaxed  the  rigid  interdiction  on  the  use  of  the  native 
language.  There  sprang  up,  immediately,  a  num- 
ber of  national  Albanian  schools,  and  books,  news- 
papers and  periodicals  began  their  publication. 
Shortly  after,  however,  the  Turkish  government 
hastened  to  renew  the  interdiction,  having  been 
frightened  by  the  success  of  popular  education  in 
the  Albanian  language.  It  was  also  on  this  occasion 
that  the  decree  of  the  Greek  Patriarch  for  the  ex- 
communication of  the  users  of  the  Albanian  language 
was  issued,  as  a  supplement  to  the  imperial  interdic- 
tion.^ 

Consequently,  the  Albanian  schools  were  shut 
down,  and  the  Albanian  publications  were  driven  to 
find  refuge  in  foreign  lands.  Thanks  to  the  con- 
nivance of  the  Moslem  Albanians  in  the  service  of 
the  Sublime  Porte,  the  publications  were  smuggled 
into  Albania,  to  find  their  way  into  the  hands  of 
eager  readers. 

How  the  national  societies  managed  to  overcome 
these  difiQculties  will  be  explained  in  another  part  of 
this  book.2  Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  their  achieve- 
ments are  nothing  short  of  miraculous ;  they  consti- 
tute a  unique  feature  in  the  intellectual  develop- 
ment of  the  nation.  This  is  precisely  the  part  of 
the  Albanian  history  which  has  never  been  written 
and  is  totally  unknown  even  to  those  who  profess 
to  be  well  acquainted  with  the  Albanian  question. 

1  Brailsford,  H.  N.,  "Macedonia,"  pp.  248-262. 

2  See  Ch.  17. 


60  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

REFERENCES 

Barbarich,  Eug.,  Albania,  pp.  201-205. 

Chiara,  p.,  L'Epiro,  gli  Albanesi  e  la  lega,  Palermo,  1880. 

Ghica,  Prince  Alb.,  L'Albanie  et  la  Question  d'Orient,  pp.  49-79, 

103-110. 
GoPCEvic,    Spiridion,   Oberalbanien    und    seine    Liga,    Leipzig,    1881, 

Ch.  4. 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  AUTONOMY 

I.    THE   ALBANIAN    POLICY 

The  work  that  was  being  accomplished  by  the 
energetic  action  of  tlie  Albanian  organizations  in  the 
way  of  stimulating  the  dormant  national  spirit  was 
highly  commendable,  and  its  salutary  effects  were 
to  be  seen  a  little  later.  The  earlier  scanty  produc- 
tions of  Albanian  literature  were  now  being  multi- 
plied every  day  through  the  untiring  efforts  of  un- 
known but  ardent  pioneers  who  were  constrained  to 
write  under  fictitious  names  in  order  to  escape  the 
vigilance  of  the  Turkish  authorities.  And  in  this 
laudable  race  for  the  intellectual  development  of  the 
nation  Christians  vied  with  Moslems  and  Northern- 
ers with  Southerners. 

The  struggle  for  regeneration  was  in  full  swing, 
but  the  fear  of  the  future  of  Albania  was  always 
haunting  the  minds  of  the  Albanian  patriots,  never- 
theless. It  was  perfectly  evident  to  them  that  Al- 
bania was  far  behind  in  the  requirements  that  were 
absolutely  necessary  for  her  independent  existence. 
The  Albanian  masses  offered  a  passive  resistance  to 
the  propagation  of  the  national  ideal  in  that  they 
lacked  education  and  a  clear  understanding  of  their 
situation.  It  would  certainly  require  some  time  in 
order  to  recruit  and  organize  the  forces  of  the  na- 
tion to  its  full  capacity.  Nations  cannot  be  built 
or  formed  overnight,  and  in  the  life  of  nations  dec- 

61 


63  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ades  and  even  centuries  are  only  as  so  many  hours 
and  days.  During  more  than  half  of  the  time  of 
their  independent  life,  the  other  Balkan  States  were 
simply  in  a  condition  of  vegetation.  Albania,  on 
the  other  hand,  was  only  regaining  her  national  con- 
sciousness at  that  time  and  could  not  well  afford  to 
think  so  prematurely  of  an  independent  existence. 

A  period  of  preparation  and  transition  was,  there- 
fore, obviously  needed.  And  it  was  still  more  neces- 
sary not  because  the  national  ideal  was  only  in  its 
infancy,  but  because,  by  a  premature  winning  of  her 
independence,  she  would  be  exposed  to  the  intrigues 
and  attacks  of  her  neighbors  whose  ill-concealed  de- 
signs were  clearly  manifested  in  the  demands  they 
formulated  before  the  Congress  of  Berlin.  It  was 
a  common  secret  that  her  Slav  neighbors  eyed  with 
avidity  her  northern  provinces,  and  Greece  her 
southern  districts. 

These  weighty  considerations  made  the  Albanian 
patriots  strike  on  the  sole  rational  policy  they  could 
adopt  with  assured  benefit  for  their  defenseless  coun- 
try: the  policy  of  endeavoring  to  win  the  independ- 
ence of  Albania  step  by  step,  the  first  step  thereto 
being  to  obtain  the  severance  of  her  administrative 
bonds  from  the  Turkish  empire.  This  is  why  the 
Albanian  League  issued  the  proclamation  by  which 
it  advocated  the  necessity  of  the  establishment  of  an 
administrative  autonomy  for  Albania.  Its  lead  was 
taken  up  by  the  organizations  which  succeeded  to  it. 

Coupled  with  this  national  policy  there  was  the 
sine  qua  non  condition  of  the  preservation  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire,  within  which  Albania  was  to  hold 
a  privileged  position  of  an  ally  or  confederate  rather 
than  of  a  subject  nationality.    A  premature  disrup- 


THE  REION  OF  ABDUL  HAMID  63 

tion  of  Turkey  would  have  brought  about,  m  the 
opinion  of  the  Albanian  patriots,  the  dismemberment 
of  Albania  herself.  To  what  degree  they  were  cor- 
rect in  their  previsions,  it  was  to  be  plainly  seen  in 
1912. 

Summing  up,  the  policy  of  the  Albanians  had  two 
distinct  objects : 

1.  To  preserve  the  Ottoman  Empire  as  a  means  to 
their  national  end,  so  as  to  gain  time  for  the  prepa- 
ration of  Albania. 

2.  To  secure  an  autonomous  administration  for 
Albania  which  would  serve  as  the  stepping-stone  to 
complete  independence. 

This  has  been  the  keynote  of  the  whole  attitude 
of  the  Albanians  toward  Turkey,  although  this  pol- 
icy was  exposed  to  very  dangerous  misunderstand- 
ings on  the  part  of  the  rest  of  the  world  which  has 
been  at  all  times  wont  to  mistake  it  for  a  religious 
attachment  of  the  majority  of  the  Albanians  to  the 
Caliph  of  the  Moslems.  Professor  J.  H.  Rose  be- 
lieves, for  instance,  that  the  Albanians  were  willing 
to  remain  loyal  to  the  Sultan  not  because  they  cared 
for  him  or  for  his  despised  Turks,  but  because  they 
were  free  to  follow  their  whims  and  to  prey  upon 
their  neighbors. 

We  have  thought  it  necessary  to  lay  so  much  stress 
on  this  introduction  to  the  present  chapter  because 
it  affords  the  only  key  of  the  attitude  of  the  Alba- 
nians in  their  dealings  with  Abdul  Hamid  and  the 
Young  Turks. 

II.    THE    REIGN    OF    ABDUL    HAMID 

The  events  we  have  sketched  in  the  preceding 
chapter  took  place  during  the  sinister  reign  of  Abdul 


64  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Hamid,  the  Red  Sultan  of  Turkey.  Their  occurrence 
at  such  an  untoward  occasion  lends  still  greater 
importance  to  those  events,  for  the  suffocating  rule 
of  the  worst  ruler  Turkey  has  ever  had  was  not  cal- 
culated to  give  satisfaction  to  national  aspirations. 

The  most  curious  part  of  it,  however,  is  the  con- 
tradictory policy  of  the  Sultan  in  regard  to  the  Al- 
banians, for,  on  the  one  hand,  Abdul  Hamid  was 
persecuting  with  barbarous  harshness  the  national 
Albanian  movement,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
treated  them  as  his  most  trusted  supporters.  He 
was  surrounded  almost  exclusively  by  Albanians, 
and  he  put  faith  in  none  else  more  than  in  the  Al- 
banians. His  trusted  Grand  Vizir  was  Ferid  Pasha 
Vlora  of  Valona,  who,  curiously  enough,  was  at  the 
same  time  President  of  the  National  Albanian  Asso- 
ciation of  Constantinople.  The  numerous  imperial 
guard  was  likewise  composed  of  the  gorgeously 
dressed  Albanian  mountaineers.  It  is  a  little  hard 
to  understand  such  inconsistencies,  but  the  fact  is 
that  Abdul  Hamid  II  favored  the  Albanians  as  indi- 
viduals, and  loaded  them  with  honors  and  emolu- 
ments ;  as  a  nation,  however,  he  attacked  them  with 
the  rage  and  bitterness  that  characterized  his  crim- 
inal propensities. 

None  the  less,  the  exalted  position  held  by  individ- 
ual Albanians  under  the  Sultan  could  but  redound 
to  the  benefit  of  the  whole  nation,  for,  on  many  occa- 
sions they  found  it  necessary  to  place  the  loyalty 
to  their  nation  above  that  they  owed  to  their  master. 
The  woeful  sufferings  of  the  Christians  of  the  Turk- 
ish Empire  under  the  Hamidian  regime  did  not  ex- 
tend to  the  Christian  Albanians  in  any  perceptible 
and  direct  way,  because  of  the  protection  accorded  to 


THE  REIGN  OF  ABDUL  HAMID  65 

them  by  government  officials  of  Albanian  nationality. 
It  was  the  same  Moslem  Albanian  officials  who 
winked  at,  and  often  encouraged,  the  smuggling  in 
of  Albanian  literature  published  in  foreign  lands. 

During  the  late  period  of  the  reign  of  Abdul  Hamid 
the  work  of  the  national  societies  was  still  more  in- 
tensified in  proportion  to  the  rigorous  measures  the 
government  of  the  Sultan  took  in  the  effort  of  stifling 
it.  It  is  useless  to  say,  however,  that  the  carrying 
out  of  the  policy  of  securing  to  Albania  an  au- 
tonomous administrative  regime  was  entirely  out  of 
the  question.  Its  execution  was,  on  the  other  hand, 
prevented  by  the  Sultan's  hiring  the  services  of  the 
most  influential  Albanian  leaders.  Still,  there  took 
place  now  and  then  some  not  very  important  insur- 
rectionary outbreaks  in  several  parts  of  Albania,  but 
the  Sultan  knew  how  to  quell  them  in  his  own  w^ay. 

On  the  whole,  the  Albanians  managed  to  get  pretty 
well  along  under  the  Hamidian  regime  and  to  have 
a  free  hand  in  their  internal  affairs  without  depart- 
ing from  the  policy  sanctioned  by  Abdul  Hamid. 
But  when  the  insane  policy  of  the  Sultan  brought 
the  empire  to  the  brink  of  the  precipice,  and  the 
Young  Turks  rose  to  save  it,  the  Albanians  veered 
to  the  side  of  the  latter  in  order  to  preserve  the 
empire  wiiich  offered  the  only  guarantee  of  protec- 
tion against  their  greedy  neighbors,  in  full  accord- 
ance with  their  established  policy,  as  explained 
above.  It  was  only  when  the  assembly  of  the  Alba- 
nian chieftains  weired  to  Abdul  Hamid  that  they 
could  not  any  longer  follow  his  disastrous  lead,  that 
the  Red  Sultan  bowed  to  the  inevitable  and  promul- 
gated the  Turkish  Constitution  (July  10, 1908).  The 
coup  d'etat  Abdul  Hamid  strove  to  effect  on  March 


66  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

31  of  the  following  year,  in  his  effort  to  overthrow 
the  Constitution,  was  again  frustrated  by  the  Al- 
banians, and  Essad  Pasha  was  commissioned  to  in- 
form the  Sultan  that  he  had  been  dethroned. 

III.  ALBANIANS  AND  YOUNG  TURKS 

In  embracing  the  cause  of  the  Turkish  Constitu- 
tion and  in  allying  themselves  with  the  Young  Turks, 
the  Albanians  were  simply  abiding  by  the  dictates 
of  their  traditional  policy.  Their  way  of  reasoning 
was  that  under  the  Constitution  Albania  would  have 
the  amplest  chance  of  self-development  and  of  se- 
curing a  privileged  position  within  the  empire,  until 
her  international  position  would  have  been  consoli- 
dated. In  becoming  the  allies  of  the  Young  Turks 
against  the  Sultan  the  Albanians  had  not  failed  to 
make  the  point  clear  that,  if  the  revolution  was  to  be 
successful,  Albania  was  to  have  a  privileged  posi- 
tion. The  Young  Turks  assented  to  it,  as  a  matter 
of  course. 

The  game  had  not  gone  very  far,  however,  when 
the  Young  Turks  threw  their  masks  off  and  betrayed 
their  real  intentions.  According  to  the  interpreta- 
tion which  the  *' Union  and  Progress"  Committee 
put  on  its  brand-new  Turkish  Constitution,  Otto- 
manization  was  the  price  to  be  paid  for  a  share  in 
the  enjoyment  of  liberties  granted  by  it.  The  atti- 
tude of  the  Committee  marked  the  parting  of  the 
ways  for  the  Albanians  and  the  Young  Turks.  The 
Albanian  schools,  which  had  just  recently  been  able 
to  open  their  doors  through  private  contributions, 
were  again  closed,  the  Albanian  newspapers  were 
again  forced  to  migrate  to  foreign  lands,  and  the  na- 
tional movement  was  stopped.    Far  from  showing 


ALBANIANS  AND  YOUNG  TURKS  67 

any  concern  in  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  Al- 
banians, the  Young  Turks  considered  the  situation 
as  very  gratifying  to  them.  They  presently  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  turning  the  wheel  of  the  Albanian 
movement  the  other  way;  they  decreed  that  hence- 
forth the  Albanian  language  should  be  written  with 
Turkish  instead  of  Latin  characters.  They  pub- 
lished a  series  of  school  books  with  Turkish 
characters,  only  to  see  them  ridiculed  and  burned  in 
heaps  in  the  marketplaces  by  the  Albanians.  But 
in  spite  of  this  they  did  not  lose  their  pluck. 

On  the  contrary,  the  incorrigible  Young  Turks 
set  to  carry  the  matter  to  the  extreme ;  they  thought 
to  finish  the  whole  matter  by  simply  denying  the  ex- 
istence of  any  separate  Albanian  nationality.  Dur- 
ing a  debate  in  the  Turkish  Chamber  of  Deputies  on 
the  projected  abolition  of  the  privileges  and  immu- 
nities enjoyed  before  the  promulgation  of  the  Con- 
stitution by  some  of  the  subject  nationalities,  among 
which  Albania  held  the  first  place,  the  then  Turkish 
Minister  of  the  Interior  rose  from  his  seat  and  de- 
clared in  a  matter-of-fact  way  that  there  was  no 
separate  Albanian  nationality,  the  majority  of  the 
Albanians  being  Moslem  (the  Christian  Albanians 
did  not  count,  of  course!).  This  impudent  remark 
was  met  by  the  simultaneous  repartee  of  the  Alba- 
nian Deputies,  all  of  whom  were  Moslem:  ^'Var, 
efendem,  var!"  (There  is,  Sir,  there  is!)  The 
phrase  ''Var,  efendem,  var"  was  immediately  made 
use  of  by  the  Albanians  as  a  national  slogan. 

IV.    THE   WINNING   OF   AUTONOMY 

Eventually,  the  Young  Turks  proceeded  to  carry 
words  into  deeds.     They  began  with  the  attempt 


68  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

to  disarm  the  Northern  Albanians  to  whom  they 
were  especially  indebted  for  the  hand  they  had  lent 
in  overthrowing  Abdul  Hamid.  But  the  Albanians 
did  not  wait  for  the  Turks  to  come.  In  the  month 
of  July,  1910,  the  Albanian  chieftains  met  at  Fer- 
izovitch  and  resolved  upon  the  necessity  of  securing 
the  autonomous  administration  of  Albania.  As  the 
Young  Turks  did  not  accede  to  the  demands  they 
formulated  in  their  ultimatum,  insurrection  broke 
out.  The  Turkish  government  made  two  successive 
expeditions  against  the  insurgents.  After  a  long- 
drawn  and  cruel  war  during  which  the  ferociousness 
of  the  Turk  had  full  play,  the  brave  resistance  of 
the  Albanians  was  crushed. 

To  all  appearances,  Albania  had  been  pacified,  but 
no  sooner  were  the  Turkish  troops  withdrawn  than 
the  Albanians  entered  upon  their  second  war  for 
autonomy.  This  time  the  insurgents  marched  from 
success  to  success.  In  May,  1912,  they  were  in  the 
possession  of  the  vilayet  of  Kossovo  as  well  as  of 
Uskub,  its  capital.  Monastir  was  already  threat- 
ened and  the  Turks  were  on  the  point  of  evacuating 
it.  Southern  Albania  joined  the  insurgents  who 
were  now  clamoring  for  complete  independence. 
The  Turkish  government  saw  no  other  way  but  meet- 
ing half-way  the  demands  of  the  insurgents. 

The  concessions  granted  to  the  Albanians  were  of 
momentous  importance.  By  the  terms  of  the  cessa- 
tion of  hostilities,  Albania  was  recognized  by  the 
Turkish  government  as  an  autonomous  administra- 
tive province  comprising  the  four  Albanian  vilayets, 
namely:  The  vilayets  of  Scutari^  Kossovo,  Janina 
and  Monastir.  The  country  was  to  be  governed  by 
native  governors,  and  in  accordance  with  the  local 


THE  WINNING  OF  AUTONOMY  69 

laws.  The  Albanians  were  exempted  from  military 
service  outside  of  the  confines  of  their  country,  ex- 
cept in  time  of  war.  Education  was  to  be  given  in 
the  Albanian  language. 

Of  all  these  concessions,  however,  by  far  the  most 
important  was  the  recognition  on  the  part  of  Turkey 
that  Albania  extended  to  the  four  vilayets.  This 
was  the  first  official  delimitation  of  the  frontiers  of 
Albania. 

The  result  of  the  Albanian  victory  over  the  Young 
Turks  was  that  the  ''Albanian  Policy"  was  carried 
out  to  its  minutest  details,  and  an  atmosphere  of 
hopefulness  for  the  future  succeeded  the  gloomy 
outlook  of  the  previous  years.  The  process  of  re- 
generation would  have  been  comi^leted  within  a  very 
short  time  by  the  establishment  of  a  purely  national 
system  of  education  and  of  a  native  paternal  admin- 
istration. It  was  true  that  this  privilege  of  self- 
government  was  obtained  a  little  late,  but  it  was 
rightly  thought  that  it  was  better  late  than  never. 
The  complete  independence  of  Albania  was  not  very 
far  off  now.  Yet,  none  of  the  Albanian  patriots 
ever  dreamed  of  the  ominous  way  in  which  that  in- 
dependence was  to  come  on  the  very  morrow  of 
Albania's  winning  her  administrative  autonomy. 
Merciless  Fate  had  decreed  that  next  day  the  tables 
be  turned  on  the  Albanians,  through  the  instrumen- 
tality of  their  neighbors  who  had  outwardly  ap- 
plauded the  successes  of  the  Albanian  insurgents 
over  the  Young  Turks.  A  glorious  chapter  of  the 
history  of  Albania  was  closed  in  order  to  make  way 
to  the  sordid  workings  of  the  European  and  Balkan 
diplomacy. 


70  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

REFERENCES 

American  Year  Book,  1912,  The  Albanian  Revolt,  p.  142. 

Ismail  Kemal  Bet,  Albania  and  the  Albanians,  Quarterly  Review 
(July,  1917),  Vol.  228,  pp.  147-153. 

Woods,  H.  Chaeles,  The  Situation  in  Albania  and  Macedonia,  Fort- 
nightly Review,  1912,  Vol.  91,  pp.  912-925. 


PART  II 
THE  PRINCIPALITY  OF  ALBANIA 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  PROCLAMATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

I.    THE   BALKAN    ALLIANCE 

The  forcible  grant  of  autonomy  to  Albania  dealt 
a  mortal  blow  to  the  policy  of  the  Young  Turks. 
The  "Union  and  Progress"  Committee  was  humili- 
ated for  the  first  time.  The  chauvinist  ministry 
which  brought  about  the  clash  with  the  Albanians 
was  ousted  in  disgrace,  and  the  sinister  Mahmud 
Shefket  Pasha,  the  Turkish  dictator,  was  forced  to 
retire  into  the  background.  A  more  moderate  Cab- 
inet was  formed  under  the  presidency  of  Gazi 
Mukhtar  Pasha.^ 

But  the  triumph  of  the  Albanian  cause  was  des- 
tined to  have  some  far  more  important  consequences 
than  the  ministerial  changes  at  Constantinople. 

The  brilliant  successes  won  by  the  Albanians  over 
the  Turkish  army  and  its  German  instructors  made 
the  most  profound  impression  throughout  the  Balkan 
Peninsula  and  beyond  it  as  well.  This  was  a  highly 
profitable  lesson  set  for  the  Balkan  States.  The  sec- 
ond important  lesson  the  latter  learned  from  the  suc- 
cessful issues  of  the  Albanian  insurrection  was  that 
Turkey  could  not  be  made  to  yield  to  any  sane  rea- 
soning but  only  to  the  force  of  arms,  and  it  was  only 
through  the  use  of  the  latter  means  that  the  policy 
of  Ottomanization  could  be  stayed. 

1  "American  Year  Book,"  1912,  p.  90. 

n 


74  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

But  the  momentous  event  which  deeply  stirred  the 
Balkan  States  was  the  recognition  of  the  autonomous 
status  of  Albania,  involving,  as  it  did,  the  advent  of 
a  new  political  factor  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 

The  main  consequences  of  the  rise  of  Albania  as 
a  separate  nationality  were  two : 

In  the  first  place,  the  balance  of  power  in  the 
Balkans  was  irrevocably  disturbed.  The  day  when 
Albania  would  become  an  independent  State  was  not 
remote. 

In  the  second  place,  the  establishment  of  the  au- 
tonomous Albanian  regime  in  the  four  western 
vilayets  of  Turkey  was  meant  to  operate  as  a  bar  to 
the  expansionist  aspirations  of  the  several  Balkan 
States.^  Montenegro  coveted  a  part  of  the  vilayet 
of  Scutari,  and  its  capital  as  well.  Serbia's  dream 
was  to  get  possession  of  the  vilayet  of  Kossova 
which  she  claimed  as  a  part  of  ''Old  Serbia";  ^ 
she  also  wanted  an  access  to  the  Adriatic  Sea  through 
the  Albanian  territories.  Bulgaria  claimed  the  vil- 
ayet of  Monastir,  and  Greece  that  of  Janina.  But 
now  all  these  territories  were  recognized  as  part  and 
parcel  of  Albania.  What  would  have  become  of 
their  imperialistic  claims  in  case  they  allowed  the 
Albanians  to  consolidate  their  power  over  these 
provinces?  It  mattered  very  little,  if  at  all,  to  the 
Balkan  States  that  these  territories  belonged,  by 
every  divine  and  human  right  and  title,  to  the  Al- 
banians who  have  had  them  in  their  actual  posses- 
sion from  time  immemorial. 

The  net  result  of  these  reflections  and  apprehen- 

1  Gueshoff,  Iv.  Eustratiev,  "L'Alliance  Balkanique"  (Paris,  1915), 
pp.  73-87. 

2  Brailsford,  H.  N.,  "Macedonia,"  p.  273. 


THE  INVASION  OF  ALBANIA  75 

sions  of  the  Balkan  nations  was  the  conclusion  of 
the  Balkan  alliance  which  took  place,  very  signifi- 
cantly, immediately  after  the  recognition  of  the 
autonomy  of  Albania.  By  the  provisions  of  the 
treaties  which  confirmed  this  alliance,  the  whole  of 
Albania  was  partitioned  among  its  several  partners, 
in  accordance  with  their  wishes,  and  with  no  more 
regard  for  the  rights  of  the  Albanian  nationality 
than  for  international  morality.  This  dastardly 
plot  of  the  so-called  Christian  States  of  the  Balkans 
is  all  the  more  sordid  because  it  was  resolved  upon 
when  the  echo  of  the  frenzied  acclamations  of  their 
respective  peoples  on  the  occasion  of  the  Albanian 
victories  over  the  Young  Turks  was  still  resounding 
in  the  Balkan  Peninsula. 

II.    THE    INVASION    OF    ALBANIA 

When  the  right  time  for  common  action  arrived, 
the  Balkan  Allies  addressed  to  the  Sublime  Porte  a 
joint  demand  whereby  they  claimed  that  an  auton- 
omous administration,  similar  to  that  granted  to 
Albania,  be  accorded  to  the  populations  of  Mace- 
donia. It  is  said  that  imitation  is  the  best  eulogy, 
but  in  this  instance  it  was  not  eulogy  but  jealousy. 
The  Turkish  government  rejected  their  demands,  as 
it  was  expected  that  it  would,  and  war  was  declared. 
But  as  there  were  many  serious  misgivings  as  to  the 
sincerity  and  good  faith  among  the  allies,  the  tiny 
Montenegro  was  made  use  of  as  an  agent  provoca- 
teur: before  the  Porte  had  responded  to  the  allied 
ultimatum,  the  Montenegrin  army  attacked  the  Turk- 
ish troops  without  any  formal  declaration  of  war. 
Hostilities  began  ofiicially  on  October  8,  1912,  al- 
though Greece  did  not  enter  the  war  till  ten  days 
later. 


76  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  war  took  the  Albanians  by  surprise,  as  it  did 
the  rest  of  the  world.  From  the  very  beginning,  the 
war  operations  went  wholly  in  favor  of  the  Balkan 
allies,  and  the  Turks  were  beating  their  retreat 
everywhere.  The  Albanians  were  driven  to  the 
wall;  the  day  of  the  final  test  of  their  traditional 
policy  had  come.  Instinctively,  if  not  deliberately, 
they  had  always  abstained  from  adding  to  the 
worries  and  difficulties  of  Turkey  whenever  she  was 
in  the  throes  with  their  immediate  neighbors  whose 
designs  in  regard  to  the  Albanian  territories  they 
well  knew.  This  is  why  they  did  not  attack  the 
Turks  during  the  great  Balkan  upheaval  of  the  year 
1878.  The  same  fateful  question  was  now  before 
them.  What  were  they  going  to  do  1  Would  it  have 
been  more  advisable  to  abide  by  their  previous  policy 
or  to  join  the  Balkan  States  1  It  was  on  the  answer 
of  this  question  that  their  fate  depended. 

As  circumstances  were  becoming  more  pressing 
and  the  successes  of  the  Balkan  armies  were  grow- 
ing, the  answer  to  that  vital  question  was  more  dif- 
ficult. Eventually,  they  decided  to  refrain  from  aid- 
ing either  party  to  the  war  by  following  a  policy  of 
neutrality.  Apart  from  the  defense  of  the  two  fort- 
resses of  Janina  and  Scutari,  the  safety  of  which 
was  considered  as  a  vital  point  to  the  life  of  Albania, 
the  Albanians  left  the  Turks  alone  in  their  struggle. 
In  the  great  battle  of  Kumanovo  (October  22),  in 
which  the  Serbians  gained  their  first  decisive  vic- 
tory, the  Albanians  refused  to  take  part  in  the  fight, 
and  the  Turks  were  consequently  routed.  To  that 
extent,  then,  the  Albanians  facilitated  the  cause  of 
the  Balkan  allies. 

But,  regardless  of  the  attitude  of  the  Albanians, 


NOVEMBER  28  77 

the  Balkan  allies  proceeded  along  the  lines  estab- 
lished in  the  treaties  of  alliance,  and,  within  a  few- 
weeks  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the  whole  of 
Albania,  apart  from  the  fortresses  of  Janina  and 
Scutari,  and  the  district  of  Valona  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  Balkan  armies.  During  the  month  of  Novem- 
ber the  greater  part  of  Northern  and  Central  Al- 
bania was  invaded  by  the  Serbians  and  Montene- 
grins, and  the  southern  portion  of  Southern  Albania 
was  in  the  possession  of  the  Greeks. 

III.    NOVEMBER    28 

On  entering  the  Albanian  territories,  the  Balkan 
commanders  did  not  at  all  conceal  their  purposes  as 
expressed  in  the  stipulations  of  the  secret  treaties 
which  had  been  previously  concluded  among  their 
governments.  The  Albanian  land  was  treated  as  a 
conquered  one.  The  idea  of  its  being  Albanian  was 
considered  as  preposterous,  nay  ridiculous,  by  the 
Balkan  governments  themselves,  and  the  occupation 
was  openly  deemed  to  be  a  permanent  one.  When 
the  Serbians  entered  Durazzo,  the  cavalry  corps  of 
King  Peter  rushed  into  the  shallow  waters  of  the 
seaport  shouting:     "Long  live  the  Serbian  sea!" 

Albania  seemed  lost.  Century-long  struggles  for 
the  rights  of  the  Albanian  nationality  seemed  at  once 
to  have  been  wasted.  The  dream  of  an  independent 
Albania  was  swiftly  fading  in  the  smoke  and  dust  of 
the  foreign  invasion.  A  miracle  could  only  save  the 
situation  now. 

There  presently  appeared  on  the  scene  the  man 
who  undertook  to  work  that  miracle;  he  was  Is- 
mail Kemal  Bey  of  Valona,  an  old  Albanian  leader 
of  wide  fame  and  reputation,  the  implacable  enemy 


78  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

of  Abdul  Hamid  and  of  his  regime  and  of  the  Young 
Turks  as  well.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  conflagration, 
he  was  at  Constantinople,  where  he  was  offered  a 
seat  in  the  Turkish  Ministry  in  order  to  attach  the 
Albanians  to  the  Turkish  cause.  He  declined  the 
offer,  however,  in  order  to  devote  his  time  and  serv- 
ices to  the  cause  of  his  own  nation. 

On  hearing  the  news  of  the  invasion  of  Albania,  he 
struck  upon  the  idea  of  saving  his  country  by  an 
audacious  coup  de  main.  He  hurriedly  left  the 
Turkish  capital,  caused  a  meeting  of  prominent  Al- 
banians to  be  held  at  Bucharest,  and,  after  consult- 
ing with  them  on  what  ought  to  be  done  in  those 
critical  circumstances,  proceeded  on  his  way  to  Al- 
bania with  a  small  suite.  At  Trieste  the  party  em- 
barked on  an  Austrian  steamer  which  sailed  away 
in  the  direction  of  Durazzo.  But  when  they  landed 
at  the  latter  place,  information  was  received  that 
the  Serbians  were  swiftly  marching  toward  that  city, 
and,  as  the  Greek  blockading  squadron  was  cruising 
in  the  vicinity  of  Valona,  Ismail  Kemal  Bey  and  his 
party  were  forced  to  cover  the  remainder  of  the  dis- 
tance to  the  latter  city  by  crossing  on  horseback  the 
dangerously  swampy  plain  of  Muzakia. 

On  November  26,  the  party  arrived  safely  at  Va- 
lona, which  they  found  crowded  with  refugees  from 
all  the  invaded  Albanian  territories.  Nevertheless, 
Ismail  Kemal  Bey  entered  immediately  upon  the 
task  of  carrying  out  his  project,  which  had  previ- 
ously been  sanctioned  by  the  assembly  of  Bucharest. 
A  circular  telegraphic  message  was  transmitted  to 
all  the  uninvaded  parts  of  Albania  to  send  delegates 
to  Valona  to  take  part  in  the  solemn  act  which  would 
resuscitate  the  old  kingdom  of  Scanderbeg.     On  No- 


AUSTRIA  AND  ITALY  79 

vember  28,  1912,  the  historic  day  of  modem  Al- 
bania, the  national  flag,  the  black  double-headed 
eagle  of  Scanderbeg,  was  hoisted  among  the  tearful 
acclamations  of  a  population  which  was  too  well 
aware  that  it  was  passing  the  most  serious  crisis  in 
the  history  of  the  nation.  A  formal  proclamation 
of  independence  was  issued  together  with  a  declara- 
tion of  neutrality  in  the  struggle  impending  between 
Turkey  and  the  Balkan  States.  Thereupon,  a  Pro- 
visional Government  was  formed  under  the  presi- 
dency of  Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  as  well  as  a  provisional 
national  assembly.  An  official  notification  of  the 
proclamation  of  independence  and  of  the  constitution 
of  the  new  government  was  also  transmitted  to  the 
Powers. 

This  was  the  scheme  by  which  Ismail  Kemal  Bey 
sought  to  change  the  course  of  events  by  taking  away 
from  the  theater  of  war  operations  the  Albanian  ter- 
ritory and  by  presenting  Albania  as  an  independent 
neutral  nation  in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  The  act 
was  all  right  as  far  as  the  Albanians  themselves  were 
concerned  who  unreservedly  placed  their  persons 
and  property  at  the  disposal  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment. But  it  remained  to  be  seen  how  the  proc- 
lamation of  independence  would  be  received  by  the 
concert  of  European  Powers,  and,  most  important  of 
all,  by  the  belligerents. 

rV.    AUSTRIA   AND    ITALY 

The  attitude  of  the  belligerents  was  made  known 
very  shortly  after.  The  Balkan  allies  paid  no  heed 
whatsoever  to  the  action  of  the  Albanians ;  they  went 
on  with  their  military  operations  in  occupying  the 
Albanian  territories   as  though  nothing  had  hap- 


80  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

pened,  and  were  now  approaching  the  gates  of  Va- 
lona  herself.  The  Greek  troops  came  almost  within 
cannon  range  from  the  provisional  capital  of  Al- 
bania; an  engagement  took  place  on  the  heights  of 
Logora,  some  fifteen  miles  south  of  Valona,  between 
them  and  the  improvised  army  of  the  new  govern- 
ment. The  next  day,  the  Greek  monitors  entered  the 
bay  and  bombarded  the  city  of  Valona,  although  un- 
fortified. A  shot  struck  the  flagpole  on  which  flew 
the  ensign  of  Scanderbeg.  Nor  did  the  Turkish 
government  take  notice  of  the  change  in  the  status 
of  Albania;  the  Turkish  military  commanders  were 
instructed  to  go  on  with  their  military  operations 
without  troubling  themselves  about  the  independent 
neutral  policy  of  the  government  of  Ismail  Kemal 
Bey. 

Contrary  to  the  common  expectations,  the  procla- 
mation of  the  independence  incensed  still  more  the 
Balkan  governments,  who  now  gave  a  more  vigorous 
impulse  to  the  war  operations  of  their  armies  in  their 
determination  to  occupy  the  rest  of  Albania  and  con- 
front Europe  with  a  fait  accompli.  They  presently 
felt  more  eager  than  ever  to  settle  once  for  all  the 
Albanian  question  in  their  own  way,  before  the 
Powers  would  be  able  to  act. 

Again  the  fate  of  Albania  hung  in  the  balance. 
The  Albanian  people  lay  panting  and  trembling  for 
their  very  life  as  an  individual  nation.  It  seemed 
as  though  nothing  could  stop  the  current  of  events 
and  the  torrential  invasion  of  the  Albanian  territory. 
People  began  to  think  that  the  diplomacy  of  Ismail 
Kemal  Bey  had  miscarried. 

But  the  old  and  experienced  diplomat  had  evi- 
dently not  counted  merely  on  the  benevolence  of  the 


AUSTRIA  AND  ITALY  81 

Balkan  States  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  Albanian 
nationality.  Before  he  had  proceeded  to  the  procla- 
mation of  independence  he  had  first  sounded  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  two  great  Powers  that  were  directly 
concerned  in  the  fate  of  Albania. 

These  two  Powers  were  Austria  and  Italy.  And 
now,  when  he  was  confronted  with  the  most  mo- 
mentous situation,  it  was  the  turn  of  these  Powers 
to  take  their  stand  in  the  Albanian  question.  It  was 
only  their  intervention  that  could  save  Albania. 

The  grounds  on  which  the  Austro-Italian  interven- 
tion rested  may  be  best  explained  by  referring  to  a 
secret  agreement  entered  into  between  the  two  gov- 
ernments as  early  as  the  year  1900.  By  virtue  of 
that  agreement,  the  two  Powers  engaged  themselves 
to  guarantee  the  integrity  of  Albania  in  case  of  the 
Turkish  Empire  being  dismembered,  so  that  Albania 
was  to  be  made  an  independent  State.^  Why  the 
two  Powers  felt  it  to  be  necessary  to  make  such 
a  provision  is  tersely  explained  by  a  declaration  of 
Count  Tittoni,  Italian  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
in  the  Italian  Chamber  of  Deputies,  on  May  14, 
1904: 

''The  proper  value  of  Albania,"  said  the  Italian 
Minister,  "resides  in  her  ports  and  in  her  seacoast, 
the  possession  of  which  would  mean,  for  either  Italy 
or  Austria,  the  incontestable  supremacy  over  the 
Adriatic  Sea.     This  is  what  Italy  would  never  allow 

1  The  existence  of  such  a  secret  Austro-Italian  agreement  in  regard 
to  Albania  transpired  only  in  the  midst  of  the  interchange  of  notes 
between  Austria  and  Italy  on  the  eve  of  the  latter's  joining  the  En- 
tente against  the  Central  Powers.  Reference  to  tiiis  accord  is  made 
in  the  7l8t  document  of  the  Italian  Green  Book  of  1914-1915.  The 
text  has  never  been  published  but  the  contents  of  the  accord  sub- 
stantially tally  with  what  has  been  said  above.  It  is  not  knowTi 
whether  Ismail  Kemal  Bey  had  any  knowledge  of  the  existence  of  this 
accord. 


82  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Austria  to  obtain,  nor  Austria  Italy;  in  the  event 
that  either  one  of  these  States  should  seek  to  appro- 
priate for  itself  that  region,  the  other  ought  to  op- 
pose it  by  all  available  means."  ^ 

The  logical  corollary  of  this  necessity  of  antag- 
onizing each  other  is  that  Austria  and  Italy  would 
make  common  cause  in  opposing  a  third  State  which 
might  seek  an  expansion  on  the  Albanian  coast. 

Ever  since  the  beginning  of  hostilities,  the  gov- 
ernments of  Austria  and  Italy,  especially  Austria, 
were  watching  with  the  deepest  concern  the  progress 
of  the  Balkan  armies  into  the  interior  of  Albania. 
Obviously,  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  was  more  deeply 
concerned  because  Austria  had  her  special  interests 
in  the  Balkans,  as  a  member  of  the  Teutonic  alliance 
with  its  paraphernalia  of  the  Bagdad  Railway  proj- 
ect and  the  Drang  Nach  Osten  policy.  When  it  ap- 
peared then  that  the  Balkan  allies  would  not  stop 
their  advance,  the  Austro-Hungarian  government 
mobilized  a  large  part  of  the  Austrian  army,  with 
the  evident  intention  of  attacking  Serbia  and  Monte- 
negro. Italy,  though  not  disposed  to  go  as  far  as 
that,  felt  it  necessary  to  join  her  ally,  Austria,  in 
the  effort  to  prevent  the  descent  of  the  Slavs  and 
Greeks  to  the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and  inci- 
dentally of  saving  Albania. 

v.    THE    MENACE    OF    EUROPEAN    WAR 

The  echo  of  the  rattling  sword  of  Austria  found 
its  reverberation  in  the  armaments  of  the  Power 
which  was  suspected  of  being  the  benevolent  chap- 
eron of  the  Balkan  States :  Russia.  The  government 
of  the  Czar  showed  that  it  was  ready  to  take  up 

1  F.  Gilbert,  "Les  Pays  d'Albanie,"  pp.  299-300. 


THE  MENACE  OF  EUROPEAN  WAR  83 

the  gauntlet  Austria  intended  to  throw  in  the  face 
of  the  two  small  Slav  States.  There  was  talk  of 
mobilizing  the  Russian  army.  The  Russian  press 
became  utterly  angry,  bitter,  and  bellicose.  France 
and  the  French  press  naturally  took  the  side  of 
Russia,  Germany  and  her  newspapers  were  pouring 
invectives  on  the  curse  of  Pan-Slavism.  Great  Brit- 
ain only  was  able  to  guard  her  sangfroid,  and  the 
British  press  was  preserving  a  conciliatory  attitude 
in  the  matter. 

The  danger  of  a  general  European  conflagration 
loomed  ominous  on  the  horizon.  The  atmosphere 
was  overcharged  with  electricity,  and  Europe  stood 
watching  in  breathless  anxiety  the  dreadful  situa- 
tion. Still,  the  conciliatory  attitude  of  Sir  Edward 
Grey  did  much  to  allay  the  fear  of  a  conflagration ; 
after  all,  the  danger  of  general  war  was  not  so  im- 
minent as  when  Sir  Edward  Grey  confessed,  later  in 
March,  that  the  Albanian  question  almost  brought 
about  the  dreaded  European  war.^ 

Yet,  that  very  question  was  to  suffer  the  penalty 
of  its  becoming  so  notorious  within  a  fortnight.  In 
fact,  the  cause  of  Albania  was  completely  overshad- 
owed by  the  effects  of  the  bitter  rivalry  that  broke 
out  between  the  two  gigantic  political  blocs,  the 
Triple  Alliance  and  the  Triple  Entente ;  the  issue  of 
the  Albanian  question  was  treated  merely  as  a  means 
of  testing  the  comparative  strength  and  solidity  of 
the  two  great  coalitions.  The  intrinsic  merits  of  the 
Albanian  question  were  forgotten ;  nobody  cared  for 
Albania,  as  a  nation.  During  the  Albanian  revolt  of 
1912,  which  ended  with  the  granting  of  administra- 
tive autonomy  and  which  preceded  the  Balkan  war 

1  "American  Year  Book,"  1913,  p.  102. 


84  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

by  a  few  months  only,  the  press  of  all  Europe  sang 
the  high  praises  of  the  Albanian  victories  over  the 
Young  Turks.  Now,  however,  the  Albanian  aspira- 
tions were  regarded  only  as  * '  a  very  clever  Austrian 
scheme"  by  which  the  government  of  Vienna  was 
seeking  to  rob  the  Balkan  allies  of  their  laurels  and 
lawful  acquisitions.  It  was  openly  declared  that 
Russia  and  France  would  never  tolerate  the  creation 
of  a  ''new  little  Turkey"  under  the  protection  of 
Austria  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  Italian  imperialist 
policy. 

The  result  was  that  the  Albanian  question  was  rel- 
egated into  the  background  in  order  to  make  place 
for  the  spectacular  diplomatic  and  press  battles 
which  were  fought  daily  between  the  two  European 
blocs.  The  rights  of  the  Albanian  nationality  were 
utterly  discredited  by  the  bellicose  attitude  of  Aus- 
tria which  gave  to  the  world  the  impression  that  the 
cause  of  Albania  was  merely  an  Austrian  issue 
which  should  be  fought  with  every  available  weapon 
in  order  to  cut  short  the  extravagant  pretensions  of 
the  Dual  Monarchy.  This  ominous  feeling  pervaded 
all  the  actual  and  future  discussions  regarding  Al- 
bania, and  the  upshot  was  that  the  Albanian  nation 
was  designated,  from  the  very  beginning,  as  the 
scapegoat  for  all  the  troubles  and  complications  that 
befell  Europe.  Even  after  the  reluctant  recognition 
of  the  independence  and  the  creation  of  the  Albanian 
principality,  the  new  State  was  looked  upon  with 
holy  horror  as  the  illegitimate  child  of  Austrian  di- 
plomacy, with  Italy  figuring  as  the  mid-wife. 


THE  MENACE  OF  EUROPEAN  WAR  85 

REFERENCES 

DtTRHAM,  M.   E.,  The  Struggle  for  Scutari,  Arnold,  London,   1914, 

Chapters  XI-XIII. 
Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  Albania  and  the  Albanians,  Quarterly  Review 

(July,  1917),  Vol.  228',  pp.  153-162. 
Young,  George,  Nationalism  and  War  in  the  Near  East   (Carnegie 

Endowment   for    International   Peace),   Oxford,    1915,   pp.    225— 

240,  and  Ch.  VII. 


y 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  LONDON  CONFERENCE 

I.    SIE   EDWARD    GREY 

As  time  went  on,  war  feelings  were  running  wild, 
and  the  European  peoples  were  shuddering  at  the 
prospect  of  seeing  the  flare  of  the  spark  which  was 
to  set  fire  to  the  heaps  of  inflammable  material  the 
great  European  Powers  had  been  accumulating  and 
storing  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Every  hour, 
every  minute  that  passed  by  was  adding  to  the  gen- 
eral anxiety.  It  was  evident  that,  unless  the  Balkan 
allies  suspended  their  advance  into  the  Albanian  ter- 
ritory, Austria  would  draw  her  sword  against  Serbia 
and  Montenegro,  Italy  against  Greece,  Russia  would 
rush  to  the  assistance  of  the  Slav  nations  by  attack- 
ing Austria,  Germany  would  make  common  cause 
with  her  allies,  Austria  and  Italy,  and  France  would 
naturally  join  her  own  ally,  Russia.  Everything 
depended  now  on  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain,  and 
especially  on  that  of  the  man  who  directed  her  for- 
eign policy:  Sir  Edward  Grey. 

And  Sir  Edward  Grey  acted  at  the  right  moment. 
In  the  midst  of  the  unbearable  international  ten- 
sity, *'Le  Temps"  of  Paris  announced,  on  Novem- 
ber 27,  that  England  was  contemplating  tendering 
her  good  offices  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  the 
Albanian  question  by  means  of  an  international  con- 
ference.    The  tensity  was  somewhat  relieved,  but 

86 


THE  CREATION  OF  THE  ALBANIAN  STATE  87 

not  to  any  great  extent  till  after  Sir  Edward  Grey 
himself  came  forward  with  the  official  proposal  that 
the  ambassadors  of  the  Great  Powers  accredited  to 
the  Court  of  St.  James  should  form  a  Conference 
which  should  decide  the  Albanian  question  as  well  as 
that  of  granting  to  Serbia  a  commercial  outlet  to  the 
Adriatic  Sea.  After  the  customary  exchange  of 
notes  and  reservations,  the  proposal  was  accepted, 
and  the  ambassadors  of  the  six  great  Powers  sat 
around  the  green  table  to  determine  the  fate  of  Al- 
bania, and,  thereby,  to  put  an  end  to  the  conflict. 
Thus,  the  thorny  dispute  was  taken  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  Provisional  Albanian  Government  and  the 
Balkan  States. 

This  Conference  is  kno-s^  as  the  Conference  of 
Ambassadors,  in  contra-distinction  to  the  Conference 
which  was  likewise  held  in  London  by  the  belliger- 
ents, Turkey  and  the  Balkan  States,  with  the  view 
of  terminating  the  armed  conflict. 

II.    THE    CREATION    OF    THE    ALBANIAN    STATE 

The  first  formal  meeting  of  the  Conference  took 
place  on  December  17,  1912,  at  the  British  Foreign 
Office.  Three  daj^s  later,  the  world  at  large  was 
notified,  through  the  issuing  to  the  press  of  the  fol- 
lowing communique  from  the  Foreign  office,  that  an 
armed  conflict  between  the  great  Powers  was 
averted : 

"The  ambassadors  have  recommended  to  their 
governments  and  the  latter  have  accepted  in  princi- 
ple Albanian  autonomy,  together  with  a  provision 
guaranteeing  to  Serbia  commercial  access  to  the 
Adriatic  Sea.  All  six  governments  have  agreed  in 
principle  on  these  points." 


88  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  official  existence  of 
independent  Albania.  Apart  from  this,  however, 
the  communique  bears  witness  to  the  fact  that  a 
compromise  had  been  effected:  Austria  and  Italy 
carried  their  point  with  regard  to  the  acceptance  of 
the  principle  of  Albanian  autonomy,  which  was  later 
interpreted  to  mean  complete  independence,  while  to 
Russia  was  conceded  the  point  of  granting  to  Serbia 
an  outlet  on  the  Adriatic,  which  Serbia  was,  in  the 
end,  unable  to  secure. 

Despite  the  apparent  accord,  however,  it  was 
clear  that  Russia  and  France  went  to  the  Conference 
quite  reluctantly  and  recognized  the  principle  of  in- 
dependence with  very  bad  humor.  Their  point  of 
view  was  that  the  Balkan  States  be  allowed  to  retain 
all  their  actual  and  future  territorial  acquisitions. 
This  had  been  clearly  shown  by  the  earlier  proposal 
of  M.  Poincare  to  the  effect  that  the  great  Powers 
make  a  joint  declaration  ''of  disinterestedness"  in 
the  Balkan  conflict.  Russia  and  France  would  con- 
cede nothing  to  Albania,  unless  they  were  forced  to 
do  so  by  the  angry  attitude  of  Austria  and  Italy. 
The  deliberations  of  the  Conference  had  the  appear- 
ance of  a  continuous  wrangle  which  was  occasionally 
ended  by  a  compromise  or  a  bargain.  The  ambassa- 
dors would  sit  for  hours  and  days  to  resolve  upon 
commonplace  matters ;  the  Russian  or  French  envoy 
would  bitterly  oppose  the  cession  of  an  inch  of  ter- 
ritory to  Albania,  although  he  knew  that  it  belonged 
to  her.  On  many  occasions  systematic  obstruction 
of  the  deliberations  was  resorted  to. 

The  Powers  were  acting  under  the  stress  of  the 
dire  necessity  of  averting  a  general  conflagration. 


THE  CREATION  OF  THE  ALBANIAN  STATE  89 

Justice  and  equity  had  to  give  place  to  expediency. 
They  were  constrained  to  reach  some  kind  of  deci- 
sion, be  it  a  temporary  one  or  one  that  would  in  the 
end  prove  fatal  to  the  constitution  of  the  new  State 
and  to  the  peace  of  the  Balkans.  What  the  diplo- 
mats had  in  view  was  the  establishment  of  a  modus 
vivendi  and  not  the  making  of  a  sound  Albanian 
principality.  This  is  plainly  emphasized  by  the 
declaration  of  Sir  Edward  Grey,  w^ho  presided  over 
the  Conference.  In  replying  to  the  question  put 
by  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  relative 
to  the  results  of  the  Conference  in  connection  with 
the  settlement  of  the  Albanian  question,  the  eminent 
diplomat  plainly  confessed  that  one  could  not  de- 
mand too  much  from  the  Conference.  ''It  is  to  be 
borne  in  mind  that  in  making  that  agreement,"  Sir 
Edward  Grey  said,  "the  primary  essential  was  to 
preserve  agreement  between  the  Powers  them- 
selves."^ The  essential  rights  of  Albania  were 
sacrificed  for  the  sake  of  the  general  peace  of 
Europe, 

Eventually,  the  ambassadors  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing an  agreement  as  to  the  future  status  of  Albania, 
and  in  making  some  general  provisions  about  the 
new  State. 

Albania  was  recognized  as  an  independent  sov- 
ereign State  to  be  governed  by  a  European  Prince 
to  be  elected  by  the  Powers.- 

1  Parliamentary  Debates,  Vol.  56,  p.  2285. 

2  An  evident  proof  of  Russia's  design  to  discredit  the  new  State  is 
supplied  bv  the  proposal  of  the  Russian  Ambassador  that  Albania  be 
placed  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Sultan. 

Great  Britain  proposed  tlae  appointment  of  a  High  Commissioner 
of  the  Powers  who  would  govern  Albania  in  their  collective  name. 
The  proposal  was  rejected  by  Austria  and  Italy. 


90  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  new  State  would  enjoy  perpetual  neutrality, 
under  the  collective  protection  of  the  six  Great 
Powers. 

The  six  Great  Powers  would  be  represented  in  Al- 
bania by  an  International  Commission  of  Control 
composed  of  one  delegate  from  each  Power  and  of 
an  Albanian  representative.  This  Commission  was 
empowered  to  control  the  finances  of  the  new  State 
and  to  check  the  Albanian  government  when  acting 
beyond  the  limits  of  its  jurisdiction. 

Dutch  officers  were  commissioned  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Albanian  gendarmerie. 

Time  was  to  prove  whether  artificial  arrangements 
made  with  a  view  of  reconciling  hopelessly  conflict- 
ing views  and  interests  could  stand  the  test  of  actual 
application.  The  arrangements  made  in  regard  to 
the  new  State  bore  the  mark  of  the  selfish  interests 
that  actuated  the  ambassadors  of  the  Powers  which 
were  mainly  interested  in  Albania. 

III.    THE   QUESTION    OF    THE    FRONTIERS 

I.  Northeastern  Boundary 

The  question  of  paramount  importance,  on  the  suc- 
cessful or  unsuccessful  settlement  of  which  depended 
the  very  life  of  the  new  State,  was  unquestionably 
that  of  the  frontiers.  A  State  is  liable  to  vegetate 
or  to  live  and  thrive  according  as  its  frontiers  are 
drawn.  If  large  compact  populations  be  left  out- 
side of  its  boundary  line,  the  vitality  of  the  new  po- 
litical entity  may  be  spent  in  fretful  watching  of  the 
pathetic  struggles  of  the  fellow-population  across 
the  border ;  besides,  it  will  add  so  many  worries  and 
cares  to  the  new-born  State  as  to  incapacitate  it  for 


TEE  QUESTION  OF  THE  FRONTIERS  91 

life,  in  case  it  is  utterly  impotent  in  its  efforts  to 
improve  their  lot.  The  history  of  the  Balkan  States, 
Greece,  Serbia,  Roumania,  and  Bulgaria,  is  very  in- 
structive on  that  point.  When  these  States  included 
only  a  small  fraction  of  the  actual  strength  of  the 
respective  race,  they  were  merely  living  from  day  to 
day,  being  the  prey  of  dreams  that  were  entirely  out 
of  proportion  to  their  actual  power,  and  falling  into 
a  condition  of  epilepsy  from  time  to  time,  with  the 
result  that  foreign  observers  were  convinced  that 
their  political  death  would  have  been  preferable  to 
the  miserable  life  they  had  been  condemned  to  live. 
It  was  only  the  increase  of  their  population  and  terri- 
tory that  saved  them  from  this  condition. 

No  such  considerations  could,  however,  find  place 
in  the  deliberations  of  the  Conference  of  Ambassa- 
dors. If  it  was  such  a  difficult  matter  to  reach  an 
agreement  on  the  bare  principle  of  the  independence 
of  Albania,  it  would  be  immensely  more  difficult  to 
agree  on  the  frontiers  within  which  the  reluctantly 
granted  independence  should  be  exercised. 

The  question  of  the  delimitation  of  the  frontiers 
was  still  more  complicated  by  the  exorbitant  claims 
of  the  Balkan  States.  The  governments  of  the 
Balkan  allies  speedily  unearthed  old  and  new  deeds 
which  would  entitle  them  to  the  various  Albanian 
territories.  In  a  spirit  of  ill-chosen  chivalry  they 
advanced  their  claims  on  sundry  historical,  geo- 
graphical, strategical,  political,  cultural,  and  archeo- 
logical  grounds,  carefully  avoiding  claims  based  on 
the  right  of  conquest.  The  government  of  Athens 
was  still  more  ingenious;  it  claimed  Southern  Al- 
bania because  it  had  bestowed  on  her  the  great  bene- 
fit of  liberating  her  inhabitants  from  the  Turkish 


92  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

yoke.  Within  the  hall  of  the  deliberations  of  the 
Conference,  the  discussion  about  the  frontiers  of 
the  new  State  became  a  disgraceful  contest  in  the 
production  of  the  most  irrelevant  and  flimsy  argu- 
ments for  the  possession  of  Albanian  territory. 
Montenegro,  the  spoiled  child  of  the  diplomacy  of 
the  Entente,  claimed  the  city  of  Scutari,  because 
there  the  tombs  of  the  ancestors  of  King  Nicholas 
were  situated,  although  the  King  of  Montenegro 
himself  recognized  that  the  city  was  Albanian.^ 

These  are  the  words  of  an  Englishman,  who  has 
spent  much  of  his  time  in  Albania  and  is  conversant 
with  questions  concerning  her,  in  regard  to  the 
claims  of  the  Balkan  States : 

*' Confident  in  the  ignorance  and  heedlessness  of 
Western  Europe,  the  Allies  proposed  to  deprive  Al- 
bania of  all  that  was  distinctly  Albanian.  Even  the 
birthplace  of  George  Castriota,  Scanderbeg,  was 
not  to  be  left  to  the  people  at  whose  head  he  defeated 
Pashas  and  Sultans  for  years,  unaided  and  unsup- 
ported by  Christian  Europe;  even  the  ruined  castle 
of  Lek  Dukaghin,  the  prince  who  codified  the  ancient 
laws  and  customs  of  the  mountains ;  even  the  homes 
of  All  Pasha  of  Janina  and  Kara  Mahmud  Pasha 
of  Scodra  (Scutari),  were  not  to  be  included  in  the 
official  Albania  if  the  Allies  could  have  their  own 
way.  All  were  to  be  handed  to  Slavs  and  Greeks, 
and  Albania  was  to  be  made  into  a  State  in  name 
only,  shorn  of  everything  which  could  enable  it  to 
live  as  an  independent  and  self-governing  princi- 
pality. The  frontier  which  the  united  intellect  or 
cunning  of  the  four  (Balkan)  kingdoms  devised  will 
not  take  long  to  delimit.     Hitherto  the  Black  Drin 

1  Le  Temps,  April  6,  1913. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  FRONTIERS  93 

has  been  considered  by  the  most  Slavophil  boundary- 
monger  to  be  the  meanest  limit  of  Albania  to  the 
north,  and  the  river  Kalamas  to  the  south  by  the 
Philhellenes.  But  even  those  poor  boundaries  were 
not  considered  too  generous  by  the  ambitious  allies. 
The  Montenegrins  desired  to  have  Scodra  (Scutari), 
the  capital  of  Northern  Albania,  which  is  inhabited 
solely  by  Shkypetars,  and  all  the  plain  surrounding 
it  with  the  Malissori  Mountains  which  are  inhabited 
by  Albanian  Roman  Catholics  and  half  Moslem  and 
other  purely  Albanian  territories.  Albania  was 
thus  to  be  deprived  of  the  river  Drin  which  is  its 
principal  river,  and  of  lands  in  which  there  were  but 
few  Slavs  of  any  sort."  ^ 

After  three  months'  deliberations,  the  Ambassa- 
dors finally  agreed  on  some  kind  of  boundary  in  the 
north  and  east.  The  heroic  Roman  Catholic  clans 
of  Hoti  and  Gruda  and  a  part  of  the  Clementi  were 
ceded  to  Montenegro.  But  King  Nicholas  has  never 
been  able  to  get  possession  of  their  territories;  the 
history  of  the  year  1879  was  repeated  once  more,  and 
as  there  were  no  great  Powers  to  bombard  them  this 
time,  the  gallant  clans  successfully  resisted  every  at- 
tempt of  Montenegro  to  occupy  their  territories. 
Many  a  time  they  begged  Europe  to  unite  them 
with  their  mother  country,  but  the  Powers  could  not 
afford  to  remind  the  King  of  Montenegro  of  his  fail- 
ure to  annex  territories  which  he  claimed  were  in- 
habited by  Slavs. 

In  the  east,  the  London  Conference  drew  the  most 
absurd  frontier.  It  assigned  to  Serbia  the  whole 
vilayet  of  Kossova  wliich  is  inhabited  by  nearly  a 
million  Albanians  with  very  few  Slavs.     But  the 

1  W.  Peacock,  "Albania,  the  Foundling  State  of  Europe,"  pp.  1G8-9. 


94  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

absurdity  of  the  delimitation  is  to  be  seen  not  in  the 
cession  of  this  compact  Albanian  territory  to  Serbia, 
but  in  placing  the  boundary  line  in  such  a  way  that 
the  principal  Albanian  cities  of  the  vilayet  are  just 
right  on  the  border  line,  so  that  the  market-places 
and  the  pastures  passed  to  Serbia,  while  the  com- 
merce and  the  flocks  remained  within  Albanian  ter- 
ritory. 

The  assignment  to  Serbia  of  the  vilayet  of  Koss- 
ova  and  of  the  districts  of  Dibra  and  Ochrida  was 
the  greatest  and  the  most  iniquitous  injustice  to  Al- 
bania.^ Not  less,  however,  was  the  harm  done  to 
Serbia  herself,  for,  as  it  happens,  these  Albanians 
are  more  bellicose  and  insubmissive  than  the  rest  of 
their  co-nationals.  Ever  since  their  incorporation 
in  the  Serbian  kingdom  they  have  been  in  a  state  of 
rebellion  which  the  Serbian  government  has  tried  in 
vain  to  quell  by  wholesale  massacres  and  executions. 

The  Serbians  claimed  these  territories  mainly  on 
historical  grounds,  such  as  the  ephemeral  empire  of 
Stefan  Dushan,  their  temporary  occupation  by  them 
up  to  the  seventeenth  century,  and  so  on.^ 

The  discussions  about  the  Albanian-Serbo-Monte- 
negrin  frontier  came  finally  to  an  end  by  the  middle 
of  March,  1913,  and  an  International  Boundary  Com- 
mission was  appointed  for  its  determination  on  the 
spot. 

2.  Southeastern  Boundary 

Yet,  despite  all  that,  the  Albanians  should  have 
been  cheered,  inasmuch  as  a  more  serious  situation 
was  to  develop  with  the  discussion  of  the  question 
«of  the  southeastern  or  Albanian-Greek  frontier. 

1  Brailsford,  H.  N.,  "Macedonia,"  p.  273. 

2  F.  Gilbert,  "Les  Pays  d'Albanie,"  pp.  287-296. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  FRONTIERS  95 

The  Conference  had  to  deal  now  with  no  less  cun- 
ning a  nation  than  the  Greeks.  The  British  Foreign 
Office  was  literally  deluged  with  "Greek"  documents 
which  purported  to  show  that  Southern  Albania, 
or  Northern  Epirus,  as  the  Greek  Government  styled 
it,  was  ' '  Greek  by  religion,  Greek  by  language,  Greek 
by  sentiment" — thus  runs  the  eternal  refrain.  To 
add  conviction  to  their  arugments,  which  they  badly 
needed,  the  Greek  military  authorities  who  were 
in  occupation  of  the  Albanian  territories,  employed 
every  kind  of  pressure  in  order  to  force  the  inhabi- 
tants to  sign  declarations  to  the  effect  that  they  were 
Greeks  and  that  they  would  rather  die  than  be  sub- 
jected to  the  inhuman  yoke  of  the  Albanians!  The 
procedure  employed  in  this  matter  by  the  Greeks 
is  strikingly  similar  to  that  resorted  to  by  the  offi- 
cials of  Abdul  Hamid  II.,  the  Red  Sultan  of  Turkey. 
Whenever  His  Imperial  Majesty  was  afflicted  by 
any  of  his  ordinary  diseases,  his  authorities  would 
gather  together  the  unfortunate  population.  Chris- 
tian and  Moslem,  and  drive  it  to  the  mosques  and 
churches  to  pray  to  the  Almighty  that  their  sinister 
master  and  executioner  be  speedily  cured  of  his  ill- 
ness in  order  to  be  able  to  massacre  more  of  his 
innocent  subjects. 

The  Conference  was  bombarded  daily  by  such 
declarations  of  loyalty  to  King  Constantine.  An- 
other ingenious  way  of  making  the  inhabitants  make 
their  confessions  of  Greek  faith  was  to  gather  them 
together  in  mass  meetings  to  the  attendance  of  which 
the  Greek  authorities  invited  correspondents  of  for- 
eign newspapers,  in  order  that  they  might  be  con-« 
vinced  of  the  Greek  sentiments  of  the  population.^ 

1  We  regret  to  say  that  so  able  a  man  as  M.  R6n6  Puaux,  author 


96  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  resolutions  of  these  mass  meetings,  which  were 
usually  prepared  beforehand  by  Greek  officials  and 
read  to  the  population,  very  few  of  which  could  un- 
derstand them  because  of  their  being  written  in  the 
Greek  language,  were  then  sent  to  the  Conference 
of  the  Ambassadors  in  London,  with  the  seal  of 
veracity  appended  to  them  by  the  unsophisticated 
foreign  correspondents.^ 

The  success  of  these  execrable  proceedings  was  im- 
mensely aided  by  the  following  three  factors ; 

In  the  first  place,  the  ignorance  of  Europe  in  re- 
gard to  the  real  conditions  of  Albania.  People  did 
not  know  generally  that  in  Southern  Albania  the 
population  is  Moslem  and  Christian  Albanian  of  the 
*' Greek"  Orthodox  rite.^  The  Greeks  drew  their 
most  misleading  argument  from  the  mere  fact  that 
these  Christian  Albanians  happened  to  belong  to  the 
''Greek"  Orthodox  Church.  It  is  highly  charac- 
teristic of  the  foul  methods  employed  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  Athens,  in  its  attempt  to  disfigure  the 
national  character  of  the  population  of  Southern 
Albania,  the  fact  that  it  resorted  to  quoting  Turkish 
statistics  of  population.  In  its  Memorandum  of 
January  13,  1913,  which  it  delivered  to  the  Confer- 
ence of  London,  the  Greek  government  states,  in  quot- 
ing the  Turkish  statistics,  that  the  entire  population 

of  "La  Malheureuse  fipire,"  was  also  impressed  by  these  Greek  farci- 
cal comedies,  under  the  impression  of  which  he  wrote  the  above  men- 
tioned book.  We  are  certain,  however,  that  he  could  get  the  right 
impression  if  he  were  to  visit  Southern  Albania  while  under  Italian 
occupation. 

1  Those  who  have  any  doubts  about  the  foul  play  employed  by  the 
Balkan  governments  will  be  convinced  of  the  truthfulness  of  these 
statements  by  reading  the  Eeport  of  the  International  Commission 
of  Inquiry  into  the  Causes  of  the  Balkan  Wars,  Carnegie  Endow- 
ment, Washington,  D.  C,  1914. 

2  See  pp.  13,  148  (note),  57-58  and  note. 


TEE  QUESTION  OF  THE  FRONTIERS  97 

of  the  vilayet  of  Janina  is  477,833  inhabitants,  of 
whom  316,561  are  Greeks,  154,413  Moslems,  and  5,104 
Jews.  Common  sense  revolts  against  such  a  classi- 
fication of  the  population  on  the  basis  of  religion 
instead  of  on  that  of  race  or  nationality.  "Mos- 
lem," which  is  a  religious  condition,  is  opposed  to 
''Greek"  which  adds  still  more  to  the  confusion.^ 
Even  so,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Greek  Govern- 
ment itself  admits  that  one-third  of  the  so-called 
"Greeks"  speak  Albanian, ^  the  number  of  the 
Albanian  population  would  then  amount  to  about 
260,000  souls,  as  against  210,000  doubtful  Greeks- 
doubtful  because  the  Greek  Government  includes  in 
that  number  all  the  Christian  Albanians  of  the 
"Greek"  Orthodox  rite,^  just  as  it  includes  all  the 
Valachs  of  the  Pindus  Mountains.  Moreover,  if 
these  figures  be  applied  only  to  the  contested  prov- 
inces of  the  vilayet  of  Janina,  it  will  appear  then  that 
the  number  of  the  Greeks  dwindles  away,  inasmuch 
as  the  Greek  and  Jewish  elements  are  to  be  found  in 
the  region  south  of  the  city  of  Janina,  which  was  not 
very  much  in  question  before  the  Ambassadors. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  Ambassadors  ought  to  have 
recalled  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Molossia,  the  medi- 
aeval Despotat  of  Epirus,  the  principality  of  Ali 
Pasha  whose  capital  was  none  else  than  Janina,  the 
successful  opposition  of  the  Albanians  in  1879  to 
the  incorporation  of  Janina  in  Greece,  and  the  in- 
clusion of  the  whole  vilayet  within  the  confines  of 

1  See  note,  p.  46. 

2  Leon  Lamouche,  "La  naissance  de  I'Etat  albanais,  Revue  Po- 
litique et  Parlementaire,"  Vol.  80,  pp.  220-230.  See  also  H.  Ch. 
Woods,  "The  Danger  Zone  of  Europe,"  Ch.  IIL 

3  Wadham  Peacock,  "Albania,  the  Foundling  State  of  Europe," 
pp.  209-212. 


98  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  autonomous  Albania,  an  event  which  had  taken 
place  just  a  few  months  before  the  Balkan  war. 
To  those  more  or  less  familiar  with  the  conditions 
of  the  country  it  was  known  that  the  vilayet  of  Ja- 
nina  is  inhabited  by  a  crushing  majority  of  Chris- 
tian Albanians  of  the  ''Greek"  Orthodox  rite  and  of 
Moslem  Albanians. 

In  the  second  place,  the  existence  of  Greek 
schools  for  the  Christian  Albanians,  the  origin  of 
which  has  already  been  explained,^  supplied  an- 
other powerful  argument  for  the  thesis  of  the  Greek 
government.  The  Greek  military  authorities  pa- 
raded the  foreign  correspondents  from  place  to  place 
showing  them  the  schools  of  Southern  Albania. 

In  the  third  place,  the  presence  of  a  large  number 
of  Greek  priests,  appointed  by  the  Greek  Patriarch 
of  Constantinople,  under  whose  jurisdiction  South- 
ern Albania  has  been  ever  since  the  whole  of  Al- 
bania became  a  province  of  the  Eastern  Empire  of 
the  Romans,^  was  the  best  form  of  advertisement 
for  the  Greek  authorities.  In  every  picture,  issued 
by  the  Greek  government  for  propaganda  purposes 
with  the  view  of  showing  that  Southern  Albania  is 
Greek,  the  foreground  is  occupied  by  these  militant 
priests  of  Hellenism.  And  yet,  it  is  a  commonplace 
fact  that  the  Pope  of  Rome,  too,  has  always  main- 
tained his  religious  emissaries  in  every  place  under 
his  jurisdiction.  But  it  required  the  ingenuity  of 
the  government  of  Athens,  and  the  ignorance  of  Eu- 
rope, to  draw  a  powerful  argument  from  the  pres- 
ence of  a  foreign  clergy. 

1  Brailsford,    H.    N.,    "Macedonia,"    note    on    "Greek    Statistics," 
p.  219. 

2  Supra,  p.  20. 


THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  FRONTIERS  99 

In  reality,  it  seemed  as  though  everything  was 
conspiring  against  the  Albanians,  who  have  never 
taken  the  pains  of  making  their  country  known  to 
the  world.  In  their  self -blinding  obstinacy,  the  am- 
bassadors of  the  Powers  were  not  willing  even  to 
attach  credit  to  the  reports  of  their  own  consular 
authorities  at  Janina.  In  vain  did  the  free  Al- 
banians of  the  United  States,  all  of  whom  were 
natives  of  Southern  Albania,  send  to  the  Conference 
by  cable  daily  protests  against  the  Greek  machina- 
tions. In  vain  did  the  refugees  of  Southern  Albania, 
assembled  at  Valona,  make  ardent  appeals  to  the 
Conference  to  confirm  them  in  their  rights.  The 
ambassadors  remained  heedless.  From  the  middle 
of  March  to  the  middle  of  August  (Aug.  11,  1913), 
when  the  Conference  put  an  end  to  its  inglorious 
work,  the  discussions  about  the  southeastern  frontier 
went  on  in  the  fashion  of  Byzantine  theological  dis- 
putes. To  make  matters  still  worse,  the  question  of 
this  part  of  the  boundary  of  the  new  State  was  inex- 
tricably linked  with  the  question  of  Dodecanese  (the 
twelve  Greek  Islands  of  the  ^gean  Sea  which  Italy 
had  occupied  since  the  Italo-Turkish  war  of  1911). 
France  and  Russia  were  willing  to  assign  Southern 
Albania  to  the  new  principality,  on  the  condition 
that  Italy  should  hand  over  to  Greece  the  Dode- 
canese. But  Italy,  seconded  by  her  ally,  Austria, 
wanted  both  to  keep  the  islands  and  to  obtain  the 
evacuation  of  Southern  Albania  by  the  Greeks. 

Finally,  it  appeared  that  no  decision  could  be 
reached  with  regard  to  the  southeastern  boundaiy. 
All  the  Conference  was  able  to  do  was  to  fix  the  two 
extreme  points  of  the  frontier,  the  Province  of 
Koritza  or  Korcha,  in  the  east,  and  the  Bay  of 


100  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Ftelia,  in  the  south.  An  international  Commission 
was  appointed  to  go  to  the  spot  and  determine  the 
ethnical  character  of  the  disputed  territory,  taking 
the  spoken  language  as  the  criterion  of  nationality. 

A  little  later,  we  shall  follow  this  Commission  on 
its  interesting  and  instructive,  but  utterly  ungrate- 
ful, journey. 

rv^.    THE    SCUTARI    CRISIS 

The  Conference  of  Ambassadors  had  hardly 
drawn  the  northeastern  boundary  line,  i.  e.,  the  Al- 
banian-Serbian-Montenegrin  frontier,  when  there  oc- 
curred a  new  war  crisis  which  brought  still  nearer 
a  general  conflagration  than  that  of  the  preceding 
November. 

On  March  26,  the  Conference  had  already  decided 
that  Scutari,  the  capital  of  Northern  Albania,  was 
to  be  included  within  the  territory  of  the  new  prin- 
cipality. Two  days  later,  a  collective  note  of  the 
Great  Powers  brought  this  decision  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  Serbian  and  Montenegrin  governments,  which 
were  invited,  at  the  same  time,  to  suspend  the  siege 
of  the  city  and  withdraw  their  troops.  Serbia  com- 
plied immediately  with  the  request  of  the  Powers, 
but  the  King  of  Montenegro  had  set  his  heart  upon 
occupying  the  city.  As  he  persisted  in  besieging 
and  bombarding  the  city,  despite  the  remonstrances 
addressed  to  him  by  the  European  governments,  the 
latter  resolved  to  make  a  naval  demonstration 
against  the  Montenegrin  coast.  By  the  4th  of  April, 
the  combined  fleet  blockaded  the  coast  of  Montene- 
gro, but  King  Nicholas,  presuming  on  his  weakness, 
did  not  suspend  his  military  operations  against  Scu- 
tari. 


THE  SCUTARI  CRISIS  101 

Presently,  the  European  governments  were  nego- 
tiating among  themselves  with  the  view  of  landing 
marines  and  occupying  the  Albanian  city,  when,  all 
of  a  sudden  Scutari  fell  mysteriously  into  the  hands 
of  the  Montenegrins,  on  April  23.  Public  opinion 
in  Albania  ascribes  the  fall  of  the  city  to  the  treach- 
erous dealings  of  Essad  Pasha,  the  military  com- 
mander of  the  fortress,  who  was  allowed  by  the 
Montenegrins  to  get  out  of  the  city  with  all  his  troops 
and  their  military  equipment,  leaving  in  it  provisions 
which  would  have  been  sufficient  for  three  weeks. 
Yet,  none  may  say  with  certainty  as  yet  why  Scutari 
surrendered. 

The  fall  of  Scutari  seemed  to  unmake  all  the  cal- 
culations of  the  great  Powers  towards  a  peaceful 
settlement  of  the  Albanian  question.  Austria  as- 
sumed a  threatening  tone  again ;  the  divisions  of  the 
Dual  Monarchy  were  being  moved  toward  the  Monte- 
negrin frontier,  and  the  danger  of  European  war, 
which  seemed  to  have  been  averted  by  the  convoca- 
tion of  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors,  now  ap- 
peared to  be  more  than  imminent.  The  world  was 
watching  with  the  deepest  anxiety  the  next  move  of 
Russia.  Wiser  counsels,  however,  prevailed  at  Pet- 
rograd,  and  Czar  Nicholas  addressed  a  telegram  to 
the  King  of  Montenegro  apprising  him  of  his  dis- 
pleasure at  his  action  in  occupying  Scutari,  and 
cutting  short  everj^  hope  of  Russia's  assistance  in 
case  King  Nicholas  insisted  upon  retaining  posses- 
sion of  Scutari. 

Eventually,  the  Powers  agreed  to  occupy  the  city 
with  an  international  contingent  of  marines,  and  on 
May  13,  the  retiring  Montenegrin  troops  were  re- 
placed by  the  international  army.     The  government 


103  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

of  Scutari  was  given  to  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Cecil  Bur- 
ney,  commander  of  the  European  fleets  which  had 
been  blockading  the  Montenegrin  coast. 


NOTE 

ALBANIA  AND  PRINCE  LICHNOWSKI 

In  view  of  the  great  importance  attached  to  the 
revelations  of  Prince  Lichnowski,  Germany's  am- 
bassador in  the  Conference  of  London,  about  the 
causes  of  the  outbreak  of  the  great  European  war  in 
their  relation  to  the  Albanian  question,  it  is  worth 
while  to  devote  a  few  lines  to  the  salient  points  of 
his  statements  in  regard  to  Albania. 

Prince  Lichnowski 's  knowledge  of  Albanian  af- 
fairs, which  he  had  been  called  upon  to  consider  as  a 
member  of  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors,  is  sum- 
marized by  himself  in  the  paragraph  he  devotes 
to  ''The  Albanian  Problem"  (Die  Albanische 
Frage) : 

''In  the  greater  part  of  Albania  the  civilization 
is  Greek.  The  southern  towns  are  entirely  Greek, 
and  when  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors  was  in 
session,  deputations  from  the  larger  towns  came  to 
London  for  the  purpose  of  securing  annexation  to 
Greece.  In  Greece  there  are  still  Albanian  groups, 
and  the  so-called  Greek  national  dress  itself  is  of 
Albanian  origin.  The  incorporation  of  the  Al- 
banians, of  whom  the  great  majority  are  either 
Orthodox  Christians  or  Moslems,  in  the  Greek  State 
was,  therefore,  the  best  solution.  It  was  also  the 
most  natural,  if,  let  us  say,  Skutari  and  the  northern 
part  had  been  assigned  to  the  Serbs  and  Montene- 


ALBANIA  AND  PRINCE  LICHNOWSKI  108 

grins.     His  Majesty  also  was  in  favor  of  this  solu- 
tion on  dynastic  grounds. ' '  ^ 

From  this  short  paragraph,  which  is  produced 
here  verbatim,  one  may  form  an  opinion  for  oneself 
relative  to  the  knowledge  of  Prince  Lichnowski  about 
Albanian  affairs.^  Of  all  these  confused  and  in- 
coherent phrases  the  one  which  goes  to  the  point 
is  that  "His  Majesty  also  was  in  favor  of  this  solu- 
tion on  dynastic  grounds.''  This  is  the  only  clear 
statement  Prince  Lichnowski  advances  as  an  argu- 
ment for  the  dismemberment  of  Albania  among  her 
neighbors;  all  the  rest  is  sheer  nonsense.  In  the 
clouded  mind  of  the  Prince  Albania  is  Greek  and 
Greece  is  Albania.  Yet  the  most  sagacious  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  the  annexation  of  Albania  to  Greece 
seems  to  be  that  "the  so-called  Greek  national  dress 
itself  is  of  Albanian  origin,"  and  that  "in  Greece 
there  are  still  Albanian  groups."  One  has  to  thank 
him,  however,  for  recognizing  that  Albania  is  in- 
habited by  Orthodox  Albanians  and  by  Moslems,  al- 
though the  Prince  is  in  doubt  whether  the  Moslems 

1  This  part  is  quoted  from  pamphlet  No.  127  of  International 
Conciliation,  entitled  "Prince  Lichnowski's  Revelations,"  as  they 
have  been  translated  from  the  German  by  Professor  Munroe  Smith 
of  Columbia  University. 

-  The  impression  made  by  Prince  Lichnowski's  knowledge  of  the 
Albanian  question  on  the  official  representative  of  the  Provisional 
Albanian  Government,  Mehmed  Bey  Konitsa,  is  thus  described  by 
himself : 

"In  January  of  that  year  (1913),  I  and  my  colleagues  went  to 
visit  Prince  Lichnowski  in  order  to  explain  Albania's  just  claims 
to  him.  He  gave  me  the  impression  that  he  knew  much  more  about 
the  planet  ^lars  than  he  did  of  Albania.  Later  on,  Greece  sent  a 
group  of  its  agents  to  Sir  Edward  Grey  and  the  Conference  to  say 
that  they  were  delegates  of  South  Albania  and  desired  its  annex- 
ation to  Greece.  Among  the  members  of  tlie  Conference,  the  only 
one  who  took  this  grotesque  comedy  seriously  was  Prince  Lichnow- 
ski. But  even  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  able  to  grasp  the 
argument  of  these  so-called  delegates  and  he  has  reproduced  it  in 
the  bizarre  phrases  quoted  above."     The  Adriatic  Revieic,  Sept.,  1918. 


104  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

or  the  Christians  are  in  majority,  and  although  he 
superimposes  on  Albania  the  Greek  civilization. 
Still  one  naturally  fails  to  see  why  ''The  incorpora- 
tion of  the  Albanians,  of  whom  the  majority  is 
either  Orthodox  Christian  or  Moslem,  in  the  Greek 
State,  is  the  best  solution"  or  ''that  it  was  also  most 
natural,  if,  let  us  say,  Skutari  and  the  northern  part 
had  been  assigned  to  the  Serbs  and  Montene- 
grins." 

As  to  the  deputations  from  the  larger  towns  of 
Southern  Albania,  who  went  to  the  Conference  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  annexation  to  Greece,  one 
has  to  admit  that  there  are  in  Southern  Albania 
enough  Greeks  to  make  up  not  only  one  deputation 
or  two  but  half  a  dozen  deputations,  if  the  Greek 
military  authorities  had  only  set  their  hearts  upon 
creating  such  agencies  of  annexation. 

REFERENCES 

Durham,  M.  E.,  The  Struggle  for  Scutari,  Chapters  XIV-XVI. 

Lamouche,  L£on,  La  naissance  de  I'Etat  albanais.  Revue  Politique 
et  Parlementaire,  Vol.  80,  pp.  220-239  (the  most  remarkable 
article  on  Albania  in  the  French  language;  a  conscientious  dis- 
cussion of  the  question  of  the  frontiers ) . 

LuMO,  Skendo,  La  Population  de  I'fipire,  Sophia,  1915. 

Lyde,  Prof.  L.  W.,  TyP^^  ^f  Political  Frontiers  in  Europe  (with 
sketch  map,  Albania),  Geographical  Journal,  February,   1915. 

Peacock,  Wadham,  Albania,  the  Foundling  State  of  Europe,  Apple- 
ton,  1914,  Ch.  XV. 

Young,  George,  Nationalism  and  War  in  the  Near  East,  Ch.  VII. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  NEW  STATE 

I.    THE    PROVISIOISrAL   GOVERNMENT 

By  virtue  of  the  proclamation  of  independence, 
which  took  place  at  Valona  on  November  28,  1912, 
as  has  already  been  said,  the  country  became  inde- 
pendent of  its  former  sovereign,  the  Sultan  of  Tur- 
key, under  whose  nominal  control  she  had  been  for 
nearly  four  hundred  and  fifty  years.  But  the  recog- 
nition of  the  independent  status  was  not  completed 
till  December  20,  when  the  Conference  of  Ambassa- 
dors officially  took  cognizance  of  the  fact. 

On  the  day  of  the  proclamation  of  independence, 
the  National  Convention,  which  was  composed  of 
representatives  from  all  the  free  as  well  as  the  in- 
vaded parts  of  Albania,  proceeded  to  form  a  central 
government.  The  Provisional  Albanian  Government 
— this  was  its  official  title — was  placed  under  the 
presidency  of  Ismail  Kemal  Bej^,  and  the  vice-presi- 
dency was  given  to  the  Catholic  Prelate  of  Durazzo, 
Monsignor  Nicholas  Kachori.  The  Cabinet  was 
made  up  of  seven  Ministers,  Christian  and  Moslem, 
all  of  whom  had  been  named  by  the  National  Con- 
vention. 

Although  the  area  of  the  territory  over  which  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Provisional  government  extended 
was  only  a  small  part,  just  within  cannon  range 
around  the  city  of  Valona,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 

105 


106  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

rest  of  the  territory  was  in  the  occupation  either  of 
the  Balkan  allies  or  the  Turkish  troops,  the  ques- 
tions which  confronted  the  government  were  entirely 
out  of  proportion  with  the  means  at  its  disposal. 
The  only  sources  of  revenue  the  new  government 
could  rely  upon  were  the  customs  duties  of  the  export 
and  import  trade  of  the  seaport  of  Valona.  But 
the  port  was  blockaded  by  the  Greek  monitors,  and 
the  blockade  was  not  lifted  till  the  month  of  April, 
1913.  To  make  matters  still  worse,  the  Greeks  cut 
the  cable  connecting  Valona,  and  through  it  Albania, 
with  Europe.  The  provisional  capital  and  its  gov- 
ernment were  thus  cut  entirely  off  from  the  rest  of 
the  world,  and  disheartening  gloom  now  reigned 
within  and  around  Valona. 

The  principal  function  of  the  government  was  to 
defend  the  rights  of  the  Albanian  nationality  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world  which  knew  almost  nothing  about 
them  and  which  was  being  bombarded  by  the  mem- 
oranda and  propaganda  leaflets  of  the  Balkan  allies 
asserting  their  "incontestable"  titles  to  the  Alba- 
nian territories  which  they  occupied  or  intended  to  oc- 
cupy. But  the  luckless  government  was  virtually  a 
prisoner  within  the  walls  of  Valona,  and  the  field  was 
free  for  the  customary  machinations  and  intrigues 
of  the  Balkan  States.  North  of  the  provisional  cap- 
ital were  the  Serbian  armies,  in  the  south  were  the 
Greeks,  and  in  the  east  there  was  camping  at  Fark- 
olla,  barely  20  miles  away,  the  army  of  Djavid 
Pasha,  the  devastator  of  Albania ;  the  sea  was  block- 
aded by  the  Greek  squadron.  The  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment was  a  government  in  name  only.  The 
gloomy  tensity  of  Valona  was  only  partially  relieved 
late  in  December,  when  the  yacht  of  the  Duke  of 


TEE  PR0VI8I0XAL  GOVERNMENT  107 

Montpensier,  Ferdinand  Francois,  of  the  House 
Bourbon-Orleans,  ran  the  blockade  and  entered  the 
port  of  Valona.  The  Duke  was  willing  to  figure  as  a 
candidate  for  the  throne  of  Albania;  but  he  was 
speedily  forgotten,  his  candidacy  being  distasteful  to 
the  Powers,  which  were  mainly  interested  in  Al- 
banian affairs.  Yet,  the  Duke  did  contribute  some- 
thing to  the  cause  of  Albania,  for  a  few  days  later, 
his  yacht  eluded  again  the  vigilance  of  the  blockad- 
ing ships,  and  safely  landed  on  Italian  soil  Ismail 
Kemal  Bey,  together  with  Louis  Gurakuki,  Minis- 
ter of  Public  Instruction,  and  Isa  Bolatin,  the 
foremost  chief  of  the  Albanian  insurrection  of  1912 
against  the  Turks,  who  had  barely  escaped  assassina- 
tion at  the  hands  of  the  Serbians  with  whom  he  had 
been  cooperating  against  the  Turks  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Balkan  war.^  All  three  Albanian  leaders  pro- 
ceeded to  visit  the  various  capitals  of  Europe  in 
the  effort  to  \vdn  the  sympathies  of  the  European 
governments  and  peoples  in  favor  of  Albanian  in- 
dependence. Their  mission  was,  however,  a  failure, 
for  public  opinion  in  Europe  had  been  already  in- 
censed by  the  scandalous  attitude  of  Austria,  and  the 
indignation  felt  towards  the  latter  power  was  trans- 
ferred in  equal  degree  to  the  cause  of  Albania  her- 
self. 

II.    INTERNAL   EEFOEMS 

While  the  Conference  of  London  was  merely  wast- 

1  The  brave,  but  utterly  unfortunate,  military  leader  was  later 
assassinated  by  the  Montenegrins,  in  April,  1016,  when  the  latter 
were  hastily  evacuating  Scutari  in  view  of  the  approaching  Aus- 
trian army.  Up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  Isa  Bolatin  was  being 
held  a  prisoner  by  the  Montenegrins  as  a  result  of  the  invasion  of 
Northern  Albania  the  King  of  Montenegro  and  the  Serbians  had 
foolishly  undertaken  during  the  Spring  of  1916. 


108  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ing  time  in  fruitless  discussions,  the  Provisional 
Government  was  confronted  by  pressing  needs.  But 
as  everything  depended  from  the  decisions  of  the 
diplomats  assembled  at  the  British  Foreign  Office, 
the  Provisional  Government  was  also  condemned  to 
inactivity  and  to  watching  the  growing  despondency 
of  the  Albanian  people.  But  the  Powers  had  no  care 
for  that. 

By  the  month  of  April,  1913,  the  area  over  which 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Provisional  Government  ex- 
tended was  considerably  increased  through  the  addi- 
tion of  the  territories  evacuated  by  the  Serbians  in 
Central,  and  in  a  part  of  Northern,  Albania.  The 
government  proceeded  now  to  establish  local  au- 
thorities in  those  territories  by  the  application  of 
a  uniform  administrative  system,  founded  on  the 
French  pattern,  which  was  later  superseded,  but  not 
changed  to  any  great  extent,  by  the  new  adminis- 
trative division  contained  in  the  Organic  Law  of 
Albania,  which  was  drafted  by  the  International 
Commission  of  Control. 

But  the  most  interesting  feature  in  all  these  at- 
tempts was  that  governmental  authority  rested  ex- 
clusively on  the  patriotic  inclination  of  the  people 
to  help  the  national  government  in  its  efforts  toward 
establishing  authority  in  the  country.  President  A. 
L.  Lowell  of  Harvard  University  very  judiciously 
states  in  his  excellent  treatise  on  the  '*  Government 
of  England ' '  that ' '  government  means  not  action  by 
universal  consent,  but  compulsory  obedience  to  an 
ultimate  authority."  Yet,  the  Albanian  people  were 
not  obeying  their  government  out  of  compulsion,  for 
the  Provisional  Government  had  no  means  of  com- 
pulsion, none  whatsoever.     The  government  had  no 


INTERNAL  REFORMS  109 

funds  to  maintain  even  a  police  force  within  the  city 
of  Valona  itself;  least  of  all  could  it  provide  itself 
with  any  military  force,  for  the  Dutch  organizers  of 
the  Albanian  gendarmerie  were  merely  confined  to 
making  plans  for  a  future  organization,  owing  to 
the  complete  lack  of  financial  resources.  It  was, 
therefore,  quite  interesting  and  instructive,  at  the 
same  time,  to  see  the  people  who  were  the  terror  of 
the  Turks  voluntarily  obeying  a  government  which 
was  not  even  formally  recognized  by  the  Powers.^ 
This  was  the  answer  of  the  Albanians  to  the  gen- 
erally prevailing  opinion  that  they  were  lawless  and 
ungovernable.^ 

Acting  on  this  exemplary  attitude  of  the  people, 
the  government  proceeded  to  carry  out  some  funda- 
mental reforms.  One  of  the  all-important  ques- 
tions was  that  of  the  separation  of  Church  and 
State.  There  were  in  Albania  three  officially  recog- 
nized religions:  the  Moslem  religion,  the  Greek 
Orthodox  Church,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
The  most  powerful  of  the  three  was,  unquestionably, 

1  The  consuls  of  the  European  States  refused  to  renew  their 
exequaturs,  as  the  Provisional  Government  requested  them  to  do, 
and  the  government  was  so  weak  and  helpless  as  to  drop  the  matter 
altogether. 

2  In  her  "High  Albania"  (London,  1909),  Miss  M.  E.  Durham 
gives  another  striking  illustration  of  the  Albanian's  respect  for 
peace  and  order  in  the  following  words: 

"During  the  festivities  on  the  occasion  of  the  promulgation  of  the 
Turkish  Constitution  (1908),  the  Catholic  and  Moslem  mountaineers 
came  down  to  Scutari  to  participate  in  the  festivities.  They  num- 
bered about  two  thousand  heavily  armed  men,  and,  witliout  there 
being  either  military  or  police  force  to  cope  with  an  outbreak,  not 
one  incident  occurred.  Even  the  representatives  of  two  consuhites, 
who  frankly  detested  the  Albanians,  said:  'Mon  Dieu,  under  a  de- 
cent government,  what  a  people  would  this  be?'  " 

But  that  decent  government  was  to  bo  denied  to  the  Albanians, 
for  after  the  powerless  government  of  Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  there  came 
the  government  of  the  Prince  of  Wied  which  was  anything  but 
decent. 


110  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  Moslem  religion,  not  so  much  because  of  the 
numerical  superiority  of  the  Moslem  Albanians  over 
the  rest,  as  because  the  Moslem  clergy  had  enjoyed 
under  the  Turkish  regime  the  highest  political  pre- 
rogatives; questions  of  marriage,  of  divorce,  of 
inheritance,  and,  above  all,  of  loyalty  to  the  State, 
resided  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Moslem  clergy. 
Besides,  the  Moslem  ministers  composed  the  highest 
judicial  court  for  the  interpretation  and  application 
of  the  Sacred  Law  (the  Sheriat)  of  the  Mohamme- 
dans, whose  supreme  fountain-head  is  the  Sheikh- 
ul-Islam  of  Constantinople,  who  is  just  one  degree 
below  the  Sultan  in  authority.  How  to  unravel  such 
an  ungodly  tangle  in  view  of  the  lack  of  any  military 
force,  and,  what  was  more  important,  as  against  the 
majority  of  the  Albanian  people? 

Assuredly,  it  was  not  an  easy  task  when  one  looks 
at  the  theocratical  regime  of  the  Moslem  world,  and 
when  one  realizes  what  a  strong  hold  religion,  be  it 
Christian,  has  over  the  Balkan  peoples.  Neverthe- 
less, Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  who  had,  in  the  meantime, 
returned  from  his  trip  to  Europe,  proceeded  to  free 
the  country  from  Moslem  religious  domination.  To 
begin  with,  he  cut  the  bond  of  religious  allegiance 
to  the  Sheikh-ul-Islam  of  Constantinople  by  the  in- 
stitution of  an  independent  Mohammedan  Church  in 
Albania,  through  the  appointment  of  a  supreme  head 
of  the  Moslem  religion  in  the  person  of  a  patriotic 
Moslem  Mufti  (equivalent  to  archbishop),  of  Alba- 
nian nationality.  Shortly  after,  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Moslem  religious  officials  over  civil  cases  was 
transferred  to   the   civil   courts.^     This   was   done 

1  There  is  a  saying  among  the  Turks  to  the  effect  that  "when  you 
are  injured  by  the  Kadi  (the  religious  Moslem  judge)  you  can  lodge 


TEE  SOUTHEASTERN  BOUNDARY  COMMISSION        111 

without  any  protest  on  the  part  of  the  Moslem  popu- 
lation which  has  been  reputed  to  be  superfanatical  in 
regard  to  the  Moslem  religion. 

But  the  work  of  religious  reform  had  to  stop  at 
that  point.  The  prerogatives  of  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic and  Orthodox  churches  could  not  at  present  be 
touched  upon,  on  account  of  the  Catholic  districts 
being  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  and  of  the  pending  question  of  the  evac- 
uation of  Southern  Albania,  which  was  still  occupied 
by  the  Greeks. 

Still,  in  its  desire  to  improve  the  administration 
of  justice,  the  government  of  Valona  introduced  the 
jury  system  in  criminal  cases  with  notable  success. 

III.    THE    SOUTHEASTERN    BOUNDARY    COMMISSION 

While  the  Provisional  Government  was  striving  to 
consolidate  the  new  principality  and  set  it  afoot  for 
the  arrival  of  the  Sovereign  Prince  who  was  to  be 
elected  by  the  six  Great  Powers,  the  governments  of 
the  latter  were  slowly  and  half-heartedly  proceeding 
to  designate  the  members  of  the  International  Com- 

no  complaint,"  because  the  decision  of  the  Kadi  is  final.  But  dur- 
ing the  first  months  of  the  Albanian  independence  this  famous 
saying,  which  had  been  currently  repeated  in  Albania,  was  shorn 
of  its  meaning.  In  a  legal  case,  which  is  unique  in  the  annals  of 
Islamism,  the  defendant  who  appeared  before  the  civil  tribunal  of 
Valona  was  none  other  than  the  hitherto  all-powerful  Mufti  (Mos- 
lem religious  official  holding  the  rank  of  archbishop  and  |>erforming 
the  highest  judicial  function  in  the  province  during  the  Turkish 
regime).  The  Mufti,  who  could  not  be  legally  cited  before  any  civil 
court,  was  compelled  by  the  pressure  of  public  opinion  to  appear 
as  defendant  before  the  Civil  Tribunal  of  Valona.  The  court  was 
crowded  on  that  day  by  spectators  who  gloated  over  the  spectacle  of 
seeing  for  the  first  time  a  Mufti-Kadi  arraigned.  The  majority  of 
the  spectators  were  Albanians  who  had  recently  returned  from  the 
United  States.  The  Mufti  was  condemned  and  had  to  swallow  in 
silence  the  bitter  pill.  The  presiding  judge  was  none  other  than  the 
writer. 


112  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

mission  which  was  to  assign  and  delimit  the  south- 
eastern boundary  of  the  Albanian  State.  It  took 
several  months  for  the  European  governments  to 
find  the  proper  persons  who  would  act  in  strict  con- 
formity with  their  orders  in  delimiting  the  frontier, 
or  rather  the  proper  persons  who  would  be  most 
averse  to  assigning  to  Albania  what  was  hers  by 
lending  themselves  to  the  farcical  comedies  of  the 
Greek  military  authorities  who  were  occupying  these 
territories.  As  evidence  of  this,  the  fact  may  be 
cited  that  the  French  Government  selected  its  consul 
at  Volos,  Greece,  as  a  member  of  the  Commission. 
In  reality,  it  seemed  as  if  the  Powers  were  already 
tired  of  the  comedy  of  professing  that  they  were  in- 
terested in  the  welfare  of  the  future  principality, 
once  the  menace  of  a  general  conflagration  had  been 
averted. 

After  several  months  of  sheer  procrastination,  the 
Powers  appointed  finally  the  Commissioners,  at  the 
urgent  entreaties  of  the  Provisional  Government 
which  had  repeatedly  warned  the  Powers  in  regard 
to  the  ever-growing  agitation  among  the  Albanian 
people  in  consequence  of  the  inhuman  treatment  in- 
flicted by  the  Greeks  on  the  conquered  population,  re- 
ports of  which  were  coming  in  daily  through  the 
arrival  at  Valona  of  refugees  from  Southern 
Albania. 

Late  in  September,  1913,  the  International  Com- 
mission proceeded  to  Salonica  and  thence  to  Mon- 
astir,  where  it  spent  another  month  in  idleness,  in 
order  to  enable  the  Powers  to  blackmail  the  Al- 
banian government  with  a  view  to  securing  some 
very  coveted  concessions  through  the  fear  they  in- 
spired of  suspending  the  operations  of  the  Boundary 


THE  SOUTHEASTERN  BOUNDARY  COMMISSION        113 

Commission  unless  the  contracts  were  signed  on 
time,^  When  the  contracts  were  finally  signed, 
the  Commissioners  repaired  to  the  city  of  Korcha 
(Koritza). 

The  journey  of  the  International  Commission 
through  the  part  of  Albania  which  it  was  able  to  visit 
is  quite  interesting  and  instructive,  for  it  gave  to  the 
Greek  military  authorities  the  opportunity  to  make  a 
full  display  of  their  ingeniousness  in  trying  to  baffle 
and  mislead  the  Commission  by  sidetracking  it.  It 
also  shows  to  what  extremities  of  scandalous  un- 
scrupulousness  the  Balkan  States  may  go  in  order 
to  obtain  what  they  want.  The  experiences  of  the 
Commission  are  fortunately  preserved  in  the  Offi- 
cial Proceedings  of  the  Conference  of  Florence,  as 
the  Commission  was  officially  called  when  it  as- 
sembled at  Florence,  Italy,  to  put  the  finishing 
touches  to  its  draft  of  the  southeastern  boundary.^ 
We  necessarily  confine  ourselves  to  referring  only 
to  some  of  the  more  important  incidents. 

1.  The  Camouflage  of  Southern  Albania 

The  procrastination  of  the  Powers  in  appointing 
the  members  of  the  Boundary  Commission  gave  to 
the  Greek  military  authorities  ample  opportunity  to 
set  the  stage  properly  for  the  reception  of  the  Com- 
mission throughout  Southern  Albania.  The  mate- 
rial for  the  construction  of  the  stage  was  near  at 
hand  and  the  actors  were  more  than  eager  to  make 
the  performance  a  great  success.     Unfortunately  for 

1  See  below,  p.  197. 

2  Proces-rerhaiix  de  la  Conference  de  Florence,  1013. 

The  publication  is  confidential  and  intended  only  for  the  use  of 
the  respective  governments.  Tiie  copy  we  consulted  was  in  the 
archives  of  the  Albanian  Foreign  Office. 


114  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Greece,  however,  they  proved  to  be  more  zealous 
than  was  necessary  and  thus  they  spoiled  the  whole 
farce  at  the  very  end. 

Let  us  say  first  a  few  words  about  the  material 
and  then  about  the  actors. 

According  to  the  decision  of  the  Ambassadors,  the 
Boundary  Commission  had  to  determine  the  ethnical 
character  of  the  people  and  of  the  territory  they  oc- 
cupied on  the  basis  of  the  spoken  language.  It  may 
not  be  admitted  that  language  is  a  safe  criterion 
of  nationality,  but,  in  view  of  the  military  occupation 
of  the  country  by  the  troops  of  the  very  government 
which  claimed  those  territories,  no  other  criterion 
could  be  resorted  to.  What  is  still  more  important, 
however,  is  the  fact  that  the  Albanian  is  knowTi  as 
such  primarily  because  he  speaks  Albanian,  the 
tongue  which  he  has  preserved  from  immemorial 
times.  Moreover,  the  Albanians  have  never  been 
able  to  impose  their  language  on  any  of  their  neigh- 
bors, so  that  no  mistake  can  be  made  in  that  re- 
spect. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  was  universally  kno^vn  that 
the  language  spoken  in  Southern  Albania  is  Al- 
banian. But  the  point  that  was  not  so  well  knowm 
was  that  the  Christian  Orthodox  Albanians  of  this 
region,  as  well  as  those  of  Central  Albania,  had  to 
send  their  children  to  Greek  schools  because  of  the 
ban  which  weighed  on  the  Albanian  language.^ 
Consequently  the  part  of  the  male  population  which 
had  had  some  kind  of  education  in  the  Greek  schools 
was  able  to  understand  or,  in  some  instances,  to 
mumble  the  Greek  language.  There  were,  of  course, 
a  number  of  persons  who  had  received  a  higher  edu- 

i  See  above,  p.  58. 


THE  SOUTHEASTERN  BOUNDARY  COMMISSION        115 

cation  in  the  Greek  language,  such  as  was  given 
in  the  Gymnasia  of  Janina  and  Korcha/  who 
were  able  to  speak  fairly  well  in  Greek.  It  was 
natural,  on  the  other  hand,  that  these  Greek  schools 
turned  out  a  number  of  spell-bound  victims  of  the 
memories  of  Pericles,  of  the  giants  of  Marathon, 
and  of  all  the  glory  that  ancient  Hellas  had  seen. 
But  the  romantic  enthusiasm  of  these  Greek-stricken 
graduates  would  usually  cool  off  at  their  maturity, 
or  as  a  result  of  a  journey  to  Greece,  wherein  they 
had  an  opportunity  of  gauging  the  distance  and  the 
racial  and  moral  qualifications  which  differentiate 
the  ages  of  Pericles  and  Socrates  from  the  modern 
Greek.  But  as  the  annual  output  of  these  two  Gym- 
nasia never  exceeded  a  dozen  the  number  of  these 
ancient-Greek-phantoms  was  infinitesimal  in  propor- 
tion to  the  people  who  were  gravely  shaking  their 
heads  in  regard  to  the  mental  sanity  of  these  admir- 
ers of  bygone  days.^ 

Such  was  the  material  with  which  the  Greek  mili- 
tary authorities  had  to  build  the  stage.  Let  it  be 
said,  to  their  credit,  that  they  did  very  well  to  a  cer- 
tain extent. 

What  they  did  was  this : 

In  their  zeal  to  present  to  the  International  Com- 
mission an  entirely  Greek-speaking  population,  the 
Greek  authorities  saw  to  it  that  only  Greek-speaking 
people  be  allowed  to  circulate  in  the  streets  during 
the  passage  of,  or  to  come  into  contact  with,  the 
Commission.  In  places  where  no  Greek-speaking 
persons  could  be  had,  Greek  colonists  and  refugees 
from  Asia  Minor  imported  ad  hoc  were  to  figure  as 

1  The  writer  is  a  graduate  of  the  Gymnasium  of  Korclia. 

2  Brailsford,  "Macedonia,"  p.  252. 


116  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

natives.  The  rest  of  the  population,  all  the  women, 
children,  and  men  who  could  not  speak  Greek,  as 
well  as  the  Moslem  population,  were  confined  within 
their  premises  under  guard. 

After  disposing  of  the  linguistic  question,  the 
Greek  authorities  proceeded  to  the  real  setting  of 
the  stage.  An  ordinance  was  issued  whereby  people 
were  ordered  to  camouflage  their  cities,  towns, 
and  houses,  through  the  application  on  the  walls 
of  blue-and-white  painting,  i.  e.,  the  Greek  national 
colors.  All  signs  of  stores  and  shops  had  also  to 
undergo  this  curious  treatment,  in  all  cases  under 
the  heaviest  penalties,  of  which  beating  to  death  was 
the  usual  constitutional  penalty  in  case  of  non-con- 
formity with  the  ordinance.  As  a  complement  to 
the  above  mentioned  prescription,  people  were,  like- 
wise, earnestly  recommended  to  wear  as  much  blue- 
and-white  as  was  possible.  Imprisonment  and  exile 
were  the  punishments  inflicted  on  the  unfortunate 
one  who  inadvertently  wore  any  black-and-red  col- 
ored garment  or  necktie  (the  Albanian  national 
colors). 

The  third  move  of  the  Greek  authorities  was  to  ter- 
rorize and  cow  the  population.  The  prisons  of 
Korcha,  Janina,  Fiorina,  Salonica  and  of  other  Greek 
cities  were  crowded  with  prisoners  from  the  places 
which  were  to  be  visited  by  the  Commission.  The 
avowed  Albanian  patriots  had  earlier  found  places 
in  the  damp  dungeons  of  the  former  Turkish  pris- 
ons which  were  now  honored  by  Greek  guards. 

2.  The  Incident  of  Borova 

All  this  was  done  with  the  purpose  of  impressing 
the  Commission  with  the  Greek  character  of  the 


TEE  SOUTHEASTERN  BOUNDARY  COMMISSION        117 

provinces  of  Southern  Albania  which  Europe  was 
intending  to  deliver  to  the  Albanian  butchers. 

On  the  way  to  Kolonia,  whence  the  real  work  of 
the  Commission  was  to  begin,  the  Commission 
passed  through  the  city  of  Korcha.  The  latter  city, 
with  all  its  province,  had  been  formally  incorporated 
in  the  new  State  by  the  direct  action  of  the  London 
Conference,  so  that  the  Commission  had  nothing  to 
perform  in  that  region,  except  to  pass  through. 
But  the  Greek  authorities  had  taken  the  necessary 
measures,  nevertheless,  in  order  to  impress  the  Com- 
mission Avith  the  great  injustice  done  by  the  Con- 
ference in  assigning  the  city  to  Albania.^ 

The  camouflage  left  nothing  to  be  desired;  even 
the  hen-houses  and  the  trees  had  been  painted  in 
blue-and-white,  and  the  city  had  the  appearance  of 
a  foaming  sea.  The  illusion  of  the  Greeks  was, 
however,  spoiled  by  the  Italian  delegate,  to  the  mer- 
riment of  his  colleagues.  A  number  of  school  chil- 
dren had  been  ostentatiously  sent  to  play  before  the 
house  occupied  by  the  Commission,  on  the  under- 
standing that  they  should  speak  in  Greek  while 
plajdng.  Signor  Labia,  the  Italian  Commissioner, 
went  to  the  balcony,  accompanied  by  some  of  his 
credulous  colleagues,  and  threw  to  the  children  a 
handful  of  copper  coins.  In  their  eagerness  to  pick 
up  as  many  coins  as  they  could,  the  poor  children 
forgot  all  about  the  restraint  on  the  use  of  the  Al- 
banian language,  and  the  fight  over  the  coins 
went  on  in  their  mother  tongue,  the  Albanian 
language.  The  amused  Commissioners  roared  with 
laughter. 

The  exposure  of  the  trick,  the  effect  of  which  was, 

1  Durham,  M.  E.,  "The  Struggle  for  Scutari,"  p.  307. 


118  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

in  addition,  still  further  increased  by  the  excessive 
use  of  the  blue-and-white  painting,  infuriated  the 
Greeks  and  made  them  change  their  tactics.  As 
it  proved  impossible  to  shut  the  mouths  of  the  whole 
people,  many  of  whom  found  a  way  of  communi- 
cating with  the  members  of  the  Commission  to  whom 
they  denounced  the  masquerade,  the  Greek  authori- 
ties had  recourse  to  violence.  They  let  loose  on  the 
trails  of  the  Commission  a  wild  band  of  the  notori- 
ous Greek  irregulars,  professional  desperadoes,  to 
shadow  the  Commission  everywhere,  and  to  shout 
a  tue-tete, ' '  Union  or  death ! ' '  The  glorious  achieve- 
ments of  this  band  are  fortunately  recorded  in  the 
Official  Proceedings  of  the  Commission. 

It  was  thus  that  the  Greeks  tried  to  get  rid  of  the 
Commission  altogether,  when  they  realized  that  their 
farce  was  too  grotesque  not  to  have  made  a  distaste- 
ful impression  on  the  European  delegates.  Conse- 
quently, when  the  Commission  arrived  at  Borova,  in 
the  province  of  Kolonia,  the  new  Greek  plan  was 
put  into  operation.  On  reaching  the  latter  locality, 
the  Commissioners,  who  had  already  began  to  feel 
weary  of  the  comedy,  sought  to  get  in  direct  touch 
with  the  inhabitants.  One  of  them  knocked  at  the 
door  of  a  house,  which  had  been  designated  at  ran- 
dom as  the  place  from  which  the  investigation  was  to 
begin.  Unfortunately  for  the  Greeks,  that  particu- 
lar house  happened  to  be  the  one  in  which  they  had 
interned  all  the  inhabitants  who  could  not  speak 
Greek.  The  Greeks  realized  that  the  moment  had 
come  for  the  entire  upsetting  of  their  organization. 
When  the  delegate  again  repeated  the  knocks,  the 
inseparable  band  which  had  been  watching  the  move- 
ments of  the  Commission,  threatened  to  shoot  the 


THE  SOUTHEASTERN  BOUNDARY  COMMISSION        119 

delegate,  unless  lie  desisted  from  his  intention  of 
entering  the  house. 

The  scandalous  interference  of  the  band  with  the 
work  of  the  Commission  convinced  the  delegates  that 
there  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  suspend  alto- 
gether their  operations.  So  they  did,  and  informed 
their  respective  governments  of  the  impossibility  of 
carrying  out  their  mission.  As  a  result,  the  British 
government  proposed  that  the  Commission  should 
proceed  to  delimit  the  frontiers  with  the  aid  of  the 
map,  takmg  into  consideration  only  economical  and 
geographical  reasons.  The  Greeks  threatened  to 
boycott  British  commerce,  but  the  Powers  accepted 
the  proposal. 

The  Commission  proceeded  then  to  Florence, 
Italy,  and  finished  its  work  in  December,  1913,  with 
the  assistance  of  the  Geographical  Institute  of  that 
city.  It  assigned  to  Albania  the  two  disputed  prov- 
inces or  sandjaks  of  KorcJia  and  Arghyrocastro,  in 
accordance  with  the  original  expectation  of  the  Con- 
ference of  the  Ambassadors.  But  in  order  to  cripple 
the  only  line  of  communication  of  Southern  Albania 
between  the  sea  and  the  mainland,  a  small  part  of 
the  road  was  left  within  the  territory  assigned  to 
Greece,  The  boundary  line  left  also  outside  of  Al- 
bania the  district  of  Tchamouria,  which  is  inhabited 
by  a  compact  Albanian  population  of  the  Moslem 
creed,  though  this  was  the  fault  of  the  Conference 
rather  than  of  the  Commission, 

The  matter  was  ended,  nevertheless,  so  far  as  the 
Commission  was  concerned.  But  the  question  of 
Southern  Albania  had  yet  to  go  through  many  vicis- 
situdes, and  had  finally  to  become  the  gangrene 
which  poisoned  the  whole  life  of  the  frail  principality 


120  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

and  which  brought  it  to  an  untimely  and  inglorious 
end,  as  will  be  seen  a  little  later. 

IV.    DISINTEGRATION 

Meanwhile,  some  very  important  events  had  taken 
place  within  the  free  territory  of  Albania,  to  which 
we  now  turn  our  attention. 

More  than  a  year  had  elapsed  since  the  declaration 
of  independence  and  the  recognition  of  the  autono- 
mous principality  of  Albania.  But,  as  yet,  none  of 
the  vital  questions  on  the  settlement  of  which  de- 
pended the  existence  of  the  new  State  had  been  re- 
solved. People  began  to  grow  restless  and  agitated. 
They  now  accused  the  government  of  Ismail  Kemal 
Bey  of  being  utterly  incompetent  to  grapple  with 
those  questions. 

Two  occurrences  had  particularly  exasperated  the 
people.  At  the  time  when  the  International  Com- 
mission for  the  delimitation  of  the  southeastern 
frontier  was  spending  a  month  at  Monastir,  in  idle- 
ness, various  financial  groups  were  exercising  a 
powerful  influence  over  the  government  of  Valona 
with  the  view  of  securing  concessions.  They  had 
particularly  set  their  hearts  upon  obtaining  a  con- 
cession to  found  the  National  Albanian  Bank.  It 
was  intimated  to  the  government  that  the  Commis- 
sion would  not  start  on  its  mission  before  the  sign- 
ing of  the  contract.  It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that 
the  government  had  to  yield  to  this  pressure  by 
granting  the  concession  to  a  group  of  Austrian  and 
Italian  bankers  who  were  respectively  representing 
the  Wiener  Bank  Verein  and  the  Banca  Commerciale 
d' Italia.  The  most  obnoxious  privilege  included  in 
the  concession  was  the  right  given  to  the  so-called 


DISINTEGRATION  121 

National  Albanian  Bank  to  deal  in  real  estate.  The 
signing  of  the  contract  was  a  source  of  mortification 
to  the  Albanians,  who  were  working  under  the  ap- 
prehension that,  owing  to  the  poverty  of  the  people, 
the  Bank  would  finally  be  able  to  buy  up  all  available 
territory,  which  would  thus  pass  into  the  hands  of 
Austrian  and  Italian  capitalists.  Naturally  enough, 
popular  indignation  turned  against  the  government 
of  Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  which  now  lost  the  confidence 
of  the  people. 

Agitation  was  resorted  to,  moreover,  by  the  rad- 
ical nationalists,  whose  ranks  were  mainly  filled  by 
the  Albanians  who  were  returning  from  the  United 
States.  The  government  of  Valona  was  looked  upon 
by  them  as  hopelessly  conservative;  they  desired  to 
modernize  the  government  as  well  as  the  country 
over  night.  The  reforms  which  had  been  carried  out 
were  considered  as  trifling  by  these  fire-eaters  who 
wished  to  see  Albania  reformed  from  the  ground  up. 

The  other  occurrence  was  the  new  turn  of  affairs 
in  Southern  Albania.  On  December  13,  the  Powers 
informed  the  Greek  government  that  its  troops 
should  be  withdrawn  within  a  month  from  the  terri- 
tories assigned  to  Albania.  Eventually,  however,  a 
further  extension  was  granted,  and  the  1st  of  ]\Iarch, 
1914,  was  designated  as  the  day  of  the  evacuation. 

But  the  Greek  authorities  had  not  lost  their  hopes 
of  avoiding  the  issue  of  the  evacuation.  They  were 
presently  setting  the  stage  for  a  new  coup  de  theatre. 
Greece  was  about  to  play  her  trump  card.  The 
refugees,  who  were  daily  flocking  into  Valona,  were 
bringing  awful  stories  of  persecution  and  repres- 
sion. They  had  heard  the  Greek  officers  say  that 
they  would  never  give  up  Southern  Albania,  never. 


122  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

And  if  they  were  forced  to  by  the  Powers,  they 
would  leave  behind  only  ruins  and  devastation. 
They  would  take  along  with  them  the  Christian 
population,  in  order  to  show  to  Europe  that  these 
poor  people  preferred  to  leave  their  hearths  rather 
than  submit  themselves  to  the  Albanian  government. 
As  for  the  Moslems,  the  Greek  officials  openly  de- 
clared that  it  would  be  better  for  them  to  migrate 
before  it  was  too  late. 

These  reports  caused  consternation  among  the 
people.  But  Europe  was  indolent,  even  sarcastic, 
and  the  government  of  Valona  powerless. 

There  appeared  now  on  the  stage,  for  the  second 
time,  the  figure  of  Essad  Pasha,  to  whom  public 
opinion  ascribed  the  mysterious  surrender  of  Scu- 
tari (  pp.  100-102).  This  time  he  stepped  forward  as 
the  savior  of  Albania.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
popular  discontent  against  the  government  of  Ismail 
Kemal  Bey,  he  rallied  around  him  the  discontented, 
especially  a  group  of  nationalists,  and  set  up  a  new 
government  at  Durazzo,  with  the  avowed  aim  of  over- 
throwing the  "rotten"  government  of  Valona  and 
placing  in  its  stead  a  strong  national  government. 

But,  no  sooner  had  he  strengthened  his  position 
than  he  expelled  his  unwelcome  collaborators,  the 
nationalists,  and  made  his  government  a  base  instru- 
ment of  hideous  intrigues,  by  enlisting  the  support 
of  the  worst  reactionaries. 

In  view  of  these  conditions,  the  government  of 
Ismail  Kemal  Bey  notified  the  Powers  that  he  was 
no  longer  able  to  master  the  situation,  owing  to  the 
lack  of  means  necessary  to  enforce  the  authority  of 
the  government,  and  to  the  popular  exasperation  re- 
sulting from  the  dilatoriness  of  the  Powers  relative 


THE  ELECTION  OF  THE  PRINCE  123 

to  the  realization  of  the  legitimate  wishes  of  the  Al- 
banian people,  who  had  by  this  time  become  very 
restless.  He  also  earnestly  urged  the  Powers  to 
provide  Albania  with  her  Prince  whose  timely  ar- 
rival could  only  restore  the  confidence  of  the  people 
in  the  benevolence  of  Europe. 

V.    THE    ELECTION    OF    THE    PRINCE 

The  European  governments  entered,  therefore, 
into  negotiations  with  the  view  to  electing  the  ruler 
of  the  new  principality,  in  accordance  with  the 
decision  of  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors  which 
had  provided  that  the  Prince  of  Albania  was  to  be 
a  European  elected  by  the  great  Powers. 

A  long  list  of  candidates  was  already  before  the 
European  governments,  and  more  than  one  of  these 
candidates  would  have  proved  an  able  ruler  for  the 
distressed  principality.  But  the  Powers  were  un- 
able to  agree  on  any  one  of  them;  they,  therefore, 
left  the  matter  of  the  election  exclusively  in  the  hands 
of  Austria  and  Italy,  the  two  States  which  were 
mainly  interested  in  Albania.  Inasmuch,  however, 
as  a  bitter  rivalry  of  the  most  acute  form  had  in  the 
meantime  developed  between  them,  it  appeared  that 
they  were  holding  diametrically  opposed  views  as  to 
the  person  of  the  would-be  Prince.  Each  Power  was 
stubbornly  supporting  its  own  candidate. 

There  was  some  talk,  for  a  while,  of  advocating  the 
candidacy  of  a  Moslem  Prince,  Ahmed  Fuad  Pasha 
of  Egypt,  a  distant  descendant  of  Mehmed  Ali  Pasha 
(p.  46,  note).  But  his  candidacy  was  early  set  aside 
by  the  government  of  Valona,  the  President  of 
which,  Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  formally  declared  that  Al- 
bania meant  to  be  a  European  State,  and  that  the 


124  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PBESEN1' 

Albanians,  particularly  the  Mohammedans,  would  be 
shocked  by  the  establishment  of  a  polygamous  harem 
in  the  Palace  which  was  to  receive  the  successor  of 
George  Castriota  Scanderbeg. 

As  Austria  and  Italy  were  unable  to  come  to  an 
agreement  on  any  of  the  advertised  candidates,  the 
matter  was  ended  by  an  arrangement  which  proved 
in  the  end  to  be  the  worst  of  compromises.  When 
the  Albanians  were  speculating  on  the  election  of 
the  better  known  candidates,  such  as  the  Duke  of 
Montpensier  of  the  House  of  Bourbon-Orleans  and 
others,  a  report  was  suddenly  spread  that  a  hitherto 
unknown  Prince,  William  of  Wied,  was  considered 
as  the  most  likely  candidate,  and  before  the  Alba- 
nian people  were  given  a  chance  to  learn  anything 
about  his  personality,  it  was  officially  announced,  on 
December  3,  1913,  that  the  Prince  of  Wied  had  been 
already  elected  to  the  Albanian  throne.  A  few  days 
later,  his  aunt.  Queen  Elisabeth  of  Koumania,  the 
lamented  poetess  Carmen  Sylva,  launched  the  candi- 
dacy of  the  unknown  Prince  by  the  publication  of  a 
high-strung  eulogy  bearing  the  title  ' '  Who  is  He  ? ' ' 
which  was  spread  broadcast  in  an  effective  Albanian 
translation. 

It  was  learned  now  that  the  Prince  was  a  captain 
in  the  Prussian  army,  that  his  estates  were  situated 
at  Neuwied,  Rhenish  Prussia,  that  he  was  35  years 
old  at  that  time,  and  that  some  five  years  ago  he  had 
married  a  very  intelligent  and  ambitious  Princess, 
Sophia  of  Waldemburg,  Saxony. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  at  any  length  on  the 
proposition  that,  owing  to  the  critical  conditions  of 
Albania,  to  the  inherent  weakness  which  was  im- 
parted to  her  by  the  irreconcilable  views   of  the 


TEE  ELECTION  OF  THE  PRINCE  125 

European  Powers,  and  to  the  hostility  of  her  neigh- 
bors, the  question  of  the  election  of  the  Prince  was 
a  matter  of  life  or  death  for  the  new  principality. 
It  was  plainly  evident  that  a  wise  ruler,  such  as 
Charles  of  Roumania,  would  have  saved  her  from 
her  precarious  position.  As  it  was,  however,  the 
Prince  of  Wied  had  neither  the  necessary  experience 
or  knowledge  of  government,  nor  had  he  the  prestige 
of  being  the  scion  of  any  well-known  family. 

From  the  very  beginning  the  outlook  of  his  future 
rule  was  as  somber  as  the  question  of  his  origin  and 
of  his  election.  But  the  Albanians  had  to  accept 
him,  nevertheless,  though  the  fear  of  the  future  be- 
gan to  haunt  their  tormented  minds. 

REFERENCES 

AUBRY,   E.,   The  Case   for   Albania,   Asiatic   Review,   Vol.   3,   p.   41, 

Jan.,  1914. 
Bbailsford,  H.  N.,  Macedonia,  Its  Races  and  Their  Future,  Methuen, 

London,  1906,  pp.  248-262. 
Jaray,  Gabriel  Louis,   L'Albanie  autonome  et  I'Europe,  Questions 

Diplomatiques  et  Coloniales.  Vol.  37,  p.  413,  April,  1914. 
Woods,  H.  Charles,  The  Situation  in  Albania,  Fortnightly  Review, 

Vol.   101,  pp.  460-472,  March,   1914. 


CHAPTER  XI 
INTERNATIONAL  INTERREGNUM 

I.    THE    COMMISSION    OF    CONTROL 

One  of  the  main  provisions  which  the  Conference 
of  the  Ambassadors  had  made  in  regard  to  Albania 
was  that  the  Albanian  government  be  associated  for 
a  period  of  ten  years  with  a  body  representing  the 
six  Great  Powers.  This  body  was  to  be  an  Interna- 
tional Commission  of  Control  which  should  consist 
of  a  delegate,  of  the  grade  of  Consul-General,  from 
each  of  the  Powers  and  of  an  Albanian  representa- 
tive. 

The  main  functions  of  the  Commission  were:  to 
assist,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Albanian  government  in 
organizing  the  country,  and  to  control,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  financial  operations  of  the  new  State,  so 
as  to  check  any  unnecessary  expenditures,  and,  in 
general,  to  supervise  the  administration.  The  idea 
of  the  establishment  of  such  a  control  was  prob- 
ably suggested  by  the  already  existing  International 
Commission  of  Financial  Control  which  had  been 
operating  in  Greece  since  the  latter 's  unfortunate 
war  of  1897  and  her  ensuing  financial  difficulties. 

Very  sanguine  expectations  were  entertained  by 
the  action  of  the  International  Commission  of  Con- 
trol for  Albania — such  was  its  full  official  title, — 
but  all  of  them  were  doomed  to  bitter  disappoint- 

126 


THE  RETIREMENT  OF  THE  GOVERNMENTS  127 

ment.  Instead  of  assisting  the  Albanian  govern- 
ment, the  Commission,  in  many  ways,  hampered  its 
actions.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that  the  fault 
was  not  inherent  to  the  nature  of  the  institution,  but 
to  the  fact  that  its  members  acted,  on  almost  every 
occasion,  in  strict  accordance  with  the  orders  of 
their  respective  governments,  the  views  of  which 
were  known  to  be  hopelessly  conflicting.  Moreover, 
in  the  meetings  of  the  Commission  nearly  every 
question  had  to  be  decided,  so  to  speak,  on  party 
lines :  on  the  one  side  stood  the  delegates  of  the  Pow- 
ers of  the  Triple  Alliance,  and  on  the  other  those 
of  Triple  Entente.  In  justice  to  Great  Britain 
and  to  her  delegate,  Mr,  Harry  Lamb,  it  must  be 
said,  however,  that  the  attitude  of  the  latter  was  an 
exception  to  the  rule,  and  that  Mr.  Lamb  always  ex- 
ercised beneficial  influence  in  favor  of  the  new  State, 
to  which  he  rendered  the  most  invaluable  services. 

Still,  the  Commission  played  a  very  important 
role  in  Albanian  politics. 

11.    THE    KETIEEMENT    OF    THE    GOVERNMENTS    OF 
ALBANIA 

With  the  establishment  of  the  government  of  Es- 
sad  Pasha  at  Durazzo,  the  number  of  the  govern- 
ments that  were  ruling  over  the  several  provinces 
of  Albania  were  three.  First  in  priority  was  the 
Provisional  Government  of  Valona.  The  second  was 
the  International  Administration  of  Scutari,  with 
the  British  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Cecil  Bumey  at  the 
head.  The  third  was  the  Government  of  Essad 
Pasha,  which  was  set  up,  as  explained  above,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  popular  disaffection  towards  the 
government  of  Ismail  Kemal  Bey  and  of  the  agita- 


128  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

tion  of  the  nationalists  for  the  establishment  of  a 
more  progressive  and  modernized  system. 

In  view  of  this  process  of  disintegration,  Ismail 
Kemal  Bey  informed  the  International  Commission 
of  Control  that  he  wished  to  retire,  with  his  whole 
Ministry,  in  case  the  Commission  was  disposed  to 
assume  the  administration  of  the  whole  of  Albania 
by  bringing  about  her  unification  under  a  single 
government. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  situation  had  already  be- 
come untenable.  The  country  was  in  feverish  ex- 
citement on  account  of  the  events  taking  place  in 
Southern  Albania  (see  infra,  III),  foreign  agents 
and  propagandists  were  exasperating  the  population 
still  more,  and  general  nervousness  everywhere  pre- 
vailed. But  the  government  had  no  means,  either 
financial  or  military;  its  police  force  consisted  of 
only  200  poorly  equipped  and  poorly  supported  gen- 
darmes who  were  expected  to  preserve  order  over 
an  area  of  approximately  7,000  square  miles,  and 
over  a  population  of  nearly  a  million  souls. 

Another  startling  event  shattered  to  pieces  the 
miserable  remnants  of  governmental  authority.  On 
January  9,  1914,  there  was  discovered  at  Valona  a 
Turkish  plot,  which  had  been  hatched  at  Constanti- 
nople. A  Major  of  the  Turkish  army,  Bekir  Agha 
Grehenaly,  native  of  Southern  Macedonia,  arrived 
at  Valona  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  returning  to 
his  native  region.  A  retinue  of  fifty  men,  who  rep- 
resented themselves  as  refugees  desiring  to  return 
to  their  homes,  was  to  follow  the  Major.  But,  as  it 
was  suspected  that  there  was  something  more  im- 
portant behind  that  innocent  intention,  Bekir  Agha 
and  his  companions  were  arrested  and  brought  be- 


THE  RETIREMENT  OF  THE  GOVERNMENTS  129 

fore  a  Court  Martial,  which  was  presided  over  by 
General  de  Weer,  head  of  the  Dutch  Mission  for  the 
organization  of  the  Albanian  gendarmerie.  During 
the  trial,  which  constituted  one  of  the  most  sensa- 
tional events  of  those  days,  it  was  discovered  that 
the  real  mission  of  the  Turkish  Major  was  to  make 
the  Albanian  territory  a  base  of  hostile  operations 
against  Greece.  The  object  of  the  plot  was  to  fo- 
ment an  insurrectionary  movement  among  the  fanat- 
ical Moslems  of  Southern  Macedonia  against  the 
Greek  authorities,  in  the  chimerical  hope  that  the 
Young  Turks  might  thus  recover  their  lost  European 
provinces.  What  was  more  important,  however,  was 
the  provision  that,  if  circumstances  were  favorable, 
the  plotters  should  begin  their  operations  by  over- 
throwing by  the  force  of  arms  the  Albanian  govern- 
ment. Provision  was  also  made  for  the  sending  of 
reenforcements  from  Constantinople  under  the  com- 
mand of  Izzet  Pasha,  former  Turkish  Minister  of 
War,  who  was  to  become,  eventually,  a  dictator  in 
Albania.  Bekir  Agha  was  condemned  to  death,  and 
his  companions  to  more  or  less  severe  penalties. 
But  the  incident  shows  beyond  any  cavil  to  what  de- 
gree the  Young  Turks  were  emboldened  by  the  in- 
difference which  Europe  was  showing  in  regard  to 
Albania,  and  by  the  weakness  of  the  Albanian  gov- 
ernment. 

The  discomfiture  of  the  people  was  indescribable, 
and  at  the  renewed  request  of  Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  the 
International  Commission  of  Control  finally  decided, 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  Powers,  to  assume  the 
administration  of  Albania  until  the  arrival  of  the 
Prince. 

The  government  of  Valona  was,  consequently,  dis- 


130  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

solved  by  the  end  of  January.  A  few  days  later,  the 
Commission  requested  Essad  Pasha  to  imitate  the 
action  of  Ismail  Kemal  Bey.  He  refused  to  do  so, 
at  first,  but  eventually  was  persuaded  to  resign  on 
the  condition  that  he  should  preside  over  the  Alba- 
nian deputation,  which  went  to  Neuwied,  at  the  end 
of  February,  to  offer  the  crown  of  Albania  to  the 
Prince-elect. 

Albania  was  now  united  under  a  single  administra- 
tive body,  for,  through  the  assumption  of  the  govern- 
mental power  by  the  Commission  of  Control,  the  In- 
ternational Administration  of  Scutari  came  to  an 
end,  and  Vice-Admiral  Burney  handed  his  authority 
over  to  the  Albanian  governor  who  was  appointed  by 
the  Commission. 

The  International  Interregnum  lasted  from  the 
end  of  January  to  March  7,  of  the  same  year  (1914). 

ni.   AUTONOMOUS   EPIKUS 

The  main  reason  why  the  Albanians  acquiesced 
quietly  in  the  matter  of  the  election  of  the  Prince  of 
Wied  was  the  expectation  that  the  future  ruler  would 
force  the  hand  of  the  Powers  regarding  the  settle- 
ment of  the  evacuation  of  Southern  Albania  on  the 
part  of  the  Greek  troops.  It  was  rightly  thought 
that  the  Prince  would  have  the  elementary  wisdom 
to  request  Europe  to  compel  the  retirement  of  the 
foreign  armies  from  his  realm,  by  refusing  to  accept 
the  Crown  or  to  go  to  Albania  in  the  midst  of  such 
unsettled  conditions.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  was 
the  only  way  of  ending  the  dispute,  in  view  of  the 
evasions  and  exceptions  which  the  Greek  govern- 
ment was  clearly  intending  to  make  in  the  matter. 

The  eventual  exertion  of  such  an  influence  on  the 


AUTONOMOUS  EPIRU8  131 

part  of  the  Prince  was  foreseen  by  the  government 
of  King  Constantine  which  hastened  to  prepare  and 
execute  the  new  coup  de  theatre,  alluded  to  above 
(p.  121).  The  government  of  Athens  found  also  an- 
other source  of  anxiety  in  the  assumption  of  the  gov- 
ernmental authority  in  Albania  by  the  International 
Commission  of  Control  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Greek  Cabinet,  might  eventually  mean  a  collective 
action  on  the  part  of  the  Powers  to  eject  the  Greek 
troops  from  Southern  Albania. 

When  the  Albanian  deputation  was  on  its  way  to 
Neuwied,  the  Greek  government  shifted  the  respon- 
sibility of  the  evacuation  to  an  irresponsible — irre- 
sponsible as  far  as  the  Powers  w^ere  concerned,  but 
strictly  responsible  in  regard  to  the  Cabinet  of 
Athens — clique  of  former  Greek  officials  which  as- 
sumed the  name  of  ''Provisional  Government  of 
Autonomous  Epirus."  The  head  of  this  so-called 
government  was  M.  Christaki  Zographos,  former 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  for  Greece,  whose  family 
happened  to  have  migrated  from  Southern  Albania 
to  Greece  several  decades  before.^  The  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  of  the  same  body  was  M.  Karapanos, 
member  of  the  Greek  Chamber  of  Deputies  from 
Arta,  and  M.  Doulis,  Colonel  of  the  Royal  Greek 
Army,  was  Minister  of  War. 

This  camarilla  now  assumed  the  entire  adminis- 
tration of  the  territories  w^hich  had  been  assigned  to 
Albania.  A  part  of  the  Greek  army  w^as  withdrawn, 
as  a  make-believe,  by  the  government  of  Athens,  but 
the  bulk  of  it  was  left  under  the  command  of  Colonel 

1  In  1915,  following  the  expulsion  of  M.  Venizeloa  by  King  Con- 
stantine, M.  Zographos  became  again  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
for  Greece. 


132  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Doulis,  with  all  its  ammunitions  and  war  material, 
after  the  royal  insignia  had  been  removed  from  the 
uniforms  of  the  soldiers  and  officers.  The  army 
thus  metamorphosed  was  now  baptized  with  the 
name  of  * '  Epirots. '  ^  It  was  also  reenf orced  by  the 
addition  of  a  number  of  savage  Cretan  bands/  pro- 
fessional desperadoes  and  looters,  whose  duty  was  to 
terrify  the  population  into  abject  submission.  Later 
on,  this  army  was  further  increased  through  the 
forcible  incorporation  of  the  native  Christian  Alba- 
nians. 

When  these  preparations  were  completed,-  the 
government  of  Athens  informed  the  European  Cab- 
inets that,  out  of  deference  to  the  decision  of  the 
Powers,  the  royal  troops  were  being  withdrawn  from 
"Northern  Epirus" — this  is  the  official  name  the 
Greeks  made  use  of  henceforth  to  designate  South- 
ern Albania.  But  even  that  small  fraction  of  the 
troops  was  not  withdrawn  till  after  the  Greek  au- 
thorities had  performed  an  archseological  ceremony 
which  shows  to  what  ridiculous  excesses  the  cabal 
of  Greek  Epirus  was  carried.  On  the  eve  of  the 
sham  evacuation,  the  Greek  authorities  planted 
deep  into  the  soil  a  number  of  stones  on  which  they 
wrote  Greek  inscriptions — in  ancient  Greek,  of 
course, — so  that  they  may  create  a  new  title  to  their 
claims  on  Southern  Albania,  when  these  twentieth- 
century  antiquities  come  to  light,  either  by  the  direct 
action  of  the  Greeks  in  case  they  should  return,  as 
they  hoped  to,  or  through  excavations  carried  on  by 
some  credulous  archaeologist. 

1  Pari.  Debates   (House  of  Commons),  Vol.  65,  pp.  5-6,  613. 

2  The  frame-up  of  "Autonomous  Epirus"  is  duly  explained  in 
M.  L.  Lamouche's  article   (see  reference  at  the  end  of  this  chapter). 


AUTONOMOUS  EPIRU8  133 

At  any  rate,  on  the  1st  of  March,  the  city  of  Ko- 
ritsa  or  Korcha  was  evacuated  and  handed  over  to 
the  Dutch  officer  commanding  the  50  Albanian  gen- 
darmes who  served  as  the  troop  of  occupation. 
A  large  number  of  Greek  soldiers  w^ere  left,  however, 
in  the  hospitals  of  the  city  on  the  pretext  that  they 
needed  further  treatment  before  they  could  be  re- 
moved. The  real  reason  of  their  being  left  in  the 
city  will  be  seen  a  little  later,  for  the  evacuation  of 
Koritsa  proved  to  be  a  masterpiece  of  Greek  du- 
plicity. 

The  great  importance  of  the  events  sketched  above 
lies  in  the  fact  that  they  took  place  at  the  time  wiien 
Albania  was  governed  by  the  International  Commis- 
sion of  Control  in  the  name  of  the  six  Great  Powers, 
and  that  neither  the  former  nor  the  latter  moved  a 
linger  to  put  an  end  to  the  masquerade  and  prevent 
the  catastrophe  which  resulted  from  it. 

Questions  were  put  in  the  House  of  Commons  by 
several  members  relative  to  these  Greek  proceedings, 
some  time  later,  w^hen  the  disaster  was  approaching, 
but  the  British  Secretary  and  Under-Secretary  of 
State  for  Foreign  Affairs  ostensibly  avoided  the  is- 
sue of  answering  them  directly,  by  fortifying  them- 
selves behind  the  usual  plea  ''We  don't  know,"  and 
''We  have  no  official  information,"  which  really 
meant,  "We  don't  care." 

We  reproduce  here  a  few  of  the  questions  and  the 
answers  given  to  them. 

Sir  Maek  Sykes  asks  the  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Aif airs  if  he  can  inform  the  House,  in  view 
of  Great  Britain's  partial  responsibility  for  the  in- 
tegrity of  Albania,  through  what  channel  the  sol- 
diers in  the  employ  of  the  provisional  government  of 


134  ALBAVIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Epirus  are  armed  with  machine  guns  and  modern 
rifles ;  and  whether  this  is  against  the  wishes  of  the 
Hellenic  Government? 

Sir  Edwaed  Grey. — I  have  no  information  as  to 
the  exact  nature  or  source  of  the  arms  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Provisional  Government  of  Epirus.  The 
Greek  Government  have  disclaimed  all  responsibility 
in  the  matter.^ 

Mr.  Stewart  asked  the  Secretary  of  State  for  For- 
eign Affairs  whether  in  view  of  the  admission  of 
the  Greek  Minister  at  Durazzo  that  the  Cretan  crim- 
inals are  now  in  Epiras,  he  can  say  who  is  responsi- 
ble for  the  release  of  these  prisoners ;  and  if  he  can 
make  representations  to  the  Hellenic  Government  to 
ask  them  to  withdraw  these  criminals  from  Albania. 

Mr.  GiBBs  asked  the  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign 
Affairs  if  he  has  any  official  or  unofficial  informa- 
tion of  the  number  of  Cretans  landed  in  the  last 
month  at  Aya  Saranda  (Santi  Quaranta)  ? 

Sir  Edward  Grey. — I  have  no  information  on  the 
subject  from  any  source.^ 

Mr.  Shirley  Benn  asked  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs  whether  he  w^ill  ascertain  if  the 
Greek  Government  propose  to  hold  Mr.  Doulis,  com- 
mander of  the  Epirote  forces,  responsible  for  past 
massacres  of  Albanians! 

Mr.  AcLAND  (Under-Secretary  of  State  for  For- 
eign Affairs). — I  have  been  informed  by  the  Greek 
Government  that  Colonel  Doulis  has  been  struck  off 
the  list  of  officers  of  the  Greek  army.  He  is  there- 
fore no  longer  responsible  to  them.^ 

1  Pari.  Debates,  House  of  Commons,  Vol.  63,  p.  1961. 

2  Ibid.,  Vol.  65,  p.  613. 

3  Ibid.,  Vol.  65,  p.  7. 


AUTONOMOUS  EPIRU8  135 


REFERENCES 

LuMo,  Skendo,  L'Affaire  de  I'fipire,  Sofia,  1915. 

Lamouche,  Leon,  La  naissance  de  I'fitat  albanais,  R^vue  Politique 

et  Parlementaire,  Vol.  80,  1914,  pp.  220-239. 
Woods,  H.  Charles,  The  Situation  in  Albania,  Fortnightly  Review 

Vol.  101,  pp.  4G0-472,  March,  1914. 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  REIGN  OF  PRINCE  WILLIAM 

I.    THE    FIKST    STEPS 

On  March  7, 1914,  the  Prince  of  Wied  and  his  con- 
sort, Hereditary  Sovereign  Prince  of  Albania,  landed 
at  Durazzo  from  the  Austrian  yacht  Taurus,  which 
was  surrounded  by  the  battleships  of  the  Great  Pow- 
ers, amidst  the  thundering  gunfire  of  the  warships 
and  of  the  fortresses  of  the  provisional  capital,  which 
sounded  wide  and  far  the  advent  of  the  little  nation 
to  the  rank  of  a  sovereign  independent  State,  and 
amidst  the  frenzied  acclamations  of  the  Albanian 
people.  During  that  supreme  moment  of  delirious 
happiness,  the  past,  present  and  future  misfortunes 
of  the  people  and  of  the  country  were  entirely  lost 
sight  of.  In  the  person  of  the  Prince  the  Albanians 
hailed,  with  sobs  and  tears,  the  successor  of  Scan- 
derbeg,  no  matter  who  he  w^as  and  how  obscure  his 
origin  and  manner  of  election.  Correspondents  of 
foreign  newspapers  witnessed  with  astonishment  the 
expansion  of  this  patriotism — for  it  was  patriotism 
and  not  blind  royalism — which  the  Albanians  had 
treasured  in  their  hearts  during  the  four  and  a  half 
centuries  of  foreign  domination.  The  Prince  was 
given  the  native  title  of  "Mbret"  (King)  by  the 
people,  in  defiance  of  Europe  which  had  recognized 
him  only  as  Prince,  and  he  was  saluted  as  the  savior 
of  Albania. 

136 


THE  FIRST  STEPS  137 

The  festivities  for  the  arrival  of  the  Prince  lasted 
for  a  week  in  the  artistically  garlanded  and  arched 
Durazzo.  Deputations  and  delegations  arrived  at 
the  provisional  capital  from  the  Albanian  colonies 
of  the  United  States,  Egypt,  Russia,  Italy,  Austria, 
Roumania,  Bulgaria,  and  from  every  corner  of  the 
free  as  well  as  the  unfree  Albanian  territories,  to 
swear  homage  and  fealty  to  the  Sovereign  of  the  Al- 
banians. 

Yet,  only  a  few  days  later,  the  illusion  of  the  peace- 
ful glittering  lights  of  the  fireworks  was  to  give  way 
to  the  bitter  reality  of  the  smoke  and  ruins  of  war. 
Hitherto  Albania  had  been  wronged  either  through 
the  action  of  her  enemies  or  the  ill-treatment  she 
had  received  at  the  hands  of  Europe.  But  now 
there  began  the  reign  of  blunders  which  was  destined 
to  make  the  name  of  the  Albanian  State  synonymous 
with  fiasco. 

Very  soon  it  appeared  that  it  was  an  insidious 
farce  to  send  the  Prince  to  Albania  on  board  of  an 
Austrian  yacht,  after  the  scandalous  attitude  of  Aus- 
tria in  Albanian  affairs  which  had  made  Albania  ap- 
pear to  be  a  mere  creation  of  the  Dual  Monarchy. 

It  now  became  clear  that  it  was  criminal  for  the 
Powers  to  send,  and  for  the  Prince  to  agree  to  go  to 
Albania,  with  the  southern  provinces  still  in  the 
hands  of  an  irresponsible  hrigandesque  camarilla. 
This  egregious  blunder  was  to  cost  the  lives  and 
happiness  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  innocent  hu- 
man beings. 

The  reign  of  the  Prince  was  initiated  with  another 
great  blunder.  When  the  International  Commis- 
sion of  Control  deposed  into  his  hands  the  govern- 
mental authority  it  had  wielded  in  Albania  up  to 


138  ALBANIA,  PAHT  AND  PRESENT 

that  moment,  the  Prince  dismissed  the  Commission 
with  the  recommendation  that  it  should  not  remain 
any  longer  at  Durazzo,  but  at  Valona,  away  from  the 
court  of  the  Prince.  The  result  of  this  act  was  the 
estrangement  of  the  Commission  of  Control,  and  the 
violation  of  the  stipulations  of  the  Conference  of  the 
Ambassadors  which  had  deputed  the  Commission  to 
cooperate  with  the  Albanian  government. 

The  Prince  might  have  had  the  best  intentions,  but 
he  was  utterly  ignorant  either  as  regards  the  condi- 
tion of  Albania,  internal  and  external,  or  the  science 
of  politics  and  government. 

Following  the  summary  dismissal  of  the  Commis- 
sion of  Control,  the  Prince  proceeded  to  form  his 
own  Cabinet,  which  was  composed  of  not  less  than 
eight  Ministers,  under  the  presidency  of  Turkhan 
Pasha,  erstwhile  Turkish  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
the  Czar  of  Russia,  with  Essad  Pasha  as  Minister  of 
both  War  and  the  Interior.  The  appointment  of 
Essad  Pasha  was  another  distinct  mortification  to 
the  Albanian  patriots  and  nationalists,  for  the  con- 
duct of  the  Pasha  had  been  more  than  questionable. 
To  entrust  him  with  such  important  offices  was  to 
breed  trouble. 

Besides,  the  Prince  surrounded  himself  with  an 
''inner  council,"  composed  of  an  Austrian  and  an 
Italian  agent,  with  a  young  Briton,  Armstrong,  as 
his  private  Secretary. 

With  the  arrival  of  the  diplomatic  envoys  and 
Ministers  accredited  to  the  Prince  on  the  part  of  the 
several  European  governments,  prominent  among 
whom  were  the  Ministers  of  the  Great  Powers  and 
the  envoys  of  the  friendly  nations,  such  as  Roumania 
and  Bulgaria,  the  Palace  of  the  Prince  assumed  the 


WAR  AND  NEOOTIATIONS  139 

appearance  of  a  busy  court,  in  which  the  silver  and 
gold  laced  uniforms  of  the  officers  of  the  Dutch  Mis- 
sion gave  a  rather  military  aspect,  without,  however, 
the  corresponding  military  force  w^hich  was  so  badly 
needed  by  the  new  State. 

II.    WAR   AND    NEGOTIATIONS 

A  month  had  hardly  passed  since  his  accession  to 
the  throne,  when  the  clatter  of  firearms  in  the  city 
of  Korclia  awoke  the  Prince  to  the  realization  of  the 
fact  that  Southern  Albania  was  still  in  the  hands  of 
the  enemy,  and  that  he  had  committed  an  irreparable 
injury  to  his  people  by  not  having  asked  from  the 
Powers  any  guarantees  for  its  evacuation. 

To  understand  the  nature  of  the  outbreak  of 
Korcha  a  few  preliminary  explanations  must  be 
given. 

As  has  been  said  above  (p.  133),  the  city  was 
evacuated  and  handed  over  to  the  Albanians  on  the 
first  of  March.  It  has  also  been  stated  that  a  large 
number  of  Greek  soldiers  were  left  in  the  hospitals 
of  the  city.  It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind  that 
Korcha  is  the  cradle  of  the  Albanian  regeneration. 
It  was  the  only  Albanian  city  that  was  privileged  to 
have  a  school  for  girls.  The  toleration  of  this  school 
on  the  part  of  the  Turkish  authorities  must  be  at- 
tributed to  a  kind  of  shadowy  protection  of  the 
United  States,  inasmuch  as  an  American  missionary. 
Rev.  Phileas  Kennedy,  was  a  member  of  the  teaching 
staff.  Yet  the  school  was  immediately  shut  down 
on  the  occupation  of  the  city  by  the  Greeks,  and  Mr. 
Kennedy  was  compelled  to  leave  the  city. 

Besides,  Korcha  is  the  very  center  of  Albanian 
nationalism.     Only  a  few  months  before  it  fell  into 


140  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  hands  of  the  Greeks,  a  series  of  national  upris- 
ings against  the  Turks  had  taken  place.  No  more 
ardent  Albanian  patriots  could  be  found  in  any  part 
of  Albania  than  in  Korcha.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  city  had  also  within  its  walls  the  noisiest  faction 
of  Greek  sympathizers,  owing  to  the  existence  of  the 
Greek  Gymnasium  (p.  115)  which  naturally  gradu- 
ated now  and  then  a  number  of  hotheaded  admirers 
of  the  glories  of  ancient  Greece.  This  faction  was 
under  the  leadership  of  the  Orthodox  Bishop,  the 
only  Greek  by  nationality  in  the  city,  who  acted,  nat- 
urally enough,  in  the  interests  of  Hellenism. 

Following  the  occupation  of  the  city  by  the  Al- 
banians, this  faction  played  the  part  of  an  agent 
provocateur  by  continuous  insults  addressed  to  the 
Albanian  authorities,  intended  to  force  the  Albanians 
to  resort  to  some  kind  of  summary  retribution,  and 
thus  to  open  the  door  for  a  Greek  intervention  on 
the  ground  that  the  Albanians  were  molesting,  or 
still  worse,  massacring  the  unexisting  Greeks  of 
Korcha.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say,  however,  that 
the  conduct  of  the  Albanian  authorities,  whose 
strength  rested  not  upon  the  fifty  gendarmes  of  occu- 
pation but  on  the  great  majority  of  the  population 
of  the  city,  was  admirable,  and  that  they  succeeded 
in  restraining  the  natural  indignation  of  the  major- 
ity from  inflicting  a  well-deserved  punishment  upon 
their  brethren,  the  Greek  sympathizers,  for  their 
treasonable  acts. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Greek  Bishop  had  formed  a 
conspiracy  with  the  Greek  soldiers  of  the  hospitals 
and  the  Greek  sympathizers,  and,  towards  the  middle 
of  the  night  of  April  11,  the  Greek  soldiers  and  their 
associates  broke  loose  in  the  streets.     Simultane- 


WAR  AND  NEGOTIATIONS  141 

ously,  the  irregular  Greek  bands  attacked  the  city 
from  the  positions  they  had  taken  during  the  night 
in  its  outskirts,  where  they  had  placed  their  machine- 
guns. 

Within  the  space  of  a  few  hours  the  public  build- 
ings were  in  the  hands  of  the  conspirators,  and  the 
city  was  almost  lost.  But  very  soon  the  civilian 
population  joined  in  the  fight,  and  after  four  days 
of  furious  and  savage  street-fighting,  the  Greeks 
were  routed,  and  several  Greek  soldiers  of  the  regu- 
lar army  of  King  Constantine  were  captured.  So 
great,  indeed,  was  the  confidence  of  the  Greeks  in 
the  outcome  of  their  plans  that  the  report  of  the 
fall  of  Korcha  was  circulated  by  them  throughout 
Europe — reaching  even  the  United  States — before 
the  first  short-lived  success  of  the  assailants  had 
taken  place. 

The  outbreak  of  Korcha  now  made  the  Prince  real- 
ize his  mistake  in  having  come  to  Albania  before  the 
question  of  the  southern  provinces  had  been  settled. 
Even  so,  instead  of  calling  the  attention  of  the  Pow- 
ers to  the  duplicity  of  the  Greek  government  and 
laying  on  them  the  responsibility  of  a  speedy  settle- 
ment, the  government  of  the  Prince  made  an  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  to  adjust  matters  directly  with  the 
so-called  Epirots. 

In  the  meantime,  moreover,  hostilities  had  opened 
between  the  Albanians  and  the  Epirots.  The  odds 
were  overwhelmingly  against  the  former,  on  account 
of  their  lack  of  organization,  but  nevertheless  they 
were  successful  almost  along  the  whole  battleline. 
The  Greeks  now  tried  to  avenge  their  defeats  by 
committing  the  most  fearful  atrocities.  Terrified 
by  the  persecution  of  the  savage  Cretan  criminals, 


142  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

218  persons,  old  men,  women,  and  children,  sought 
refuge  in  the  Orthodox  Convent  of  Kodra.  The 
Greeks  tore  off  a  part  of  the  roof  of  the  Convent  and 
began  shooting  the  unlucky  refugees  within.  When, 
finally,  the  Greeks  gained  entrance  into  the  Convent, 
they  butchered  the  survivors  with  hatchets.  Such 
an  atrocious  crime  is  hardly  imaginable  in  our  days, 
but  the  official  report  of  the  massacre,  written  down 
by  General  de  Weer  of  the  Dutch  Mission  and  con- 
firmed as  it  is  through  other  sources,  stands  as  the 
authoritative  account  of  the  most  revolting  massacre 
in  modern  history.^ 

These  barbarous  atrocities  doubled  the  courage  of 
the  Albanians  who  realized  now  that  this  was  a  war 
to  the  knife.  The  heroism  of  the  women  of  Suli 
was  repeated  once  more,  the  Albanian  women  hav- 
ing borne  a  large  part  of  the  burden  of  the  war. 
What  is  more  characteristic  of  the  chivalry  of  the 
Albanian  is  that  although  the  Albanian  fighting 
forces  consisted  of  irregulars,  owing  to  the  lack  of 
any  organized  army,  not  a  single  instance  of  excess 
may  be  charged  against  them.  This  statement  is 
borne  out  by  the  foreign  correspondents  who  accom- 
panied them. 

The  Greeks  continuously  retreated,  occasionally 
putting  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  artil- 
lery of  the  official  Greek  army  which  was  always  in 
contact  with  the  so-called  Epirots.  On  May  12,  the 
Albanians  closed  in  upon  Arghyrocastro,  the  center 
of  the  nefarious  Epirot  goverimaent.  The  city  was 
almost  within  their  grasp,  when,  at  the  critical  mo- 

1  A  vivid  account  of  the  massacre  was  given  before  the  House  of 
Commons  by  the  Hon.  Aubrey  Herbert,  M.P.  See  Pari.  Debates, 
House  of  Commons,  Vol.  64,  pp.  97-101.  Also  pp.  1413-14.  For 
other  massacres,  see  Ihid.,  Vol.  65,  pp.  5-6, 


THE  OVERTHROW  OF  E88AD  PASHA  143 

ment,  General  Papoulias,  of  the  royal  Greek  army, 
hurled  his  infantry  and  artillery  against  the  ad- 
vancing Albanians,  forcing  them  to  stop.  Yet,  the 
Greek  government  disclaimed  all  responsibility  in 
the  matter,  and  the  European  governments  did  not 
question  its  good  faith. 

At  this  moment  Europe  thought  it  advisable  to 
intervene  and  the  Commission  of  Control  was  com- 
missioned to  go  to  Corf  ou  and  enter  into  negotiations 
with  the  Government  of  Autonomous  Epirus.  Yet, 
even  during  these  negotiations  the  Greeks  burned 
the  cities  of  Tepelen  and  Liaskoviki.  Under  the 
very  eyes  of  the  Commission  of  Control,  about  three 
thousand  men  were  shipped  from  Corfou  to  reen- 
force  the  Epirots. 

Finally,  a  compromise  was  made  between  the  Com- 
mission of  Control  and  the  Autonomous  Govern- 
ment, which  is  known  as  the  Disposition  of  Corfou. 
Southern  Albania  was  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Al- 
banians in  exchange  for  a  guarantee  of  immunity 
and  a  grant  of  privileges  to  the  so-called  Epirots, 
which,  according  to  the  stipulations  of  the  Disposi- 
tion, was  to  go  into  effect  after  its  ratification  by 
the  European  and  Albanian  governments  and  the 
Epirots. 

We  shall  see,  a  little  later,  how  the  Disposition 
was  carried  out. 

III.    THE    OVERTHROW    OF    ESSAD    PASHA 

In  the  meantime,  things  were  going  from  bad  to 
worse  in  the  capital  of  Albania.  During  the  war 
against  the  Epirots  there  was  a  great  scarcity  of 
ammunition  among  the  Albanians,  although  the  mili- 
tary depots  were  overloaded  with  war  material.     It 


144  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

was  likewise  noticed  that,  whereas  cargoes  of  ammu- 
nition were  daily  leaving  Durazzo,  none  of  them 
reached  the  combatants.  This  made  people  think 
that  the  Minister  of  War,  Essad  Pasha,  was  divert- 
ing the  ammunition  to  other  localities,  in  further- 
ance of  his  own  designs.  There  was  much  truth  in 
this  popular  belief.  It  was  no  secret  that  Essad 
Pasha  was  not  overzealous  in  winning  back  the 
southern  provinces,  for  the  simple  reason  that  he 
had  left  behind  him  an  evil  reputation  in  that  region 
in  his  former  capacity  as  commander  of  the  Turkish 
gendarmerie  at  Janina.  It  was  also  evident  that  as 
soon  as  Southern  Albania  should  be  joined  to  the 
main  body  of  the  State,  the  career  of  Essad  Pasha 
would  be  cut  short,  because  of  the  relentless  opposi- 
tion of  the  southerners  to  his  rule. 

During  the  month  of  May,  there  was  much  agita- 
tion in  Durazzo  against  the  Minister  of  War  and 
of  the  Interior,  and  on  one  occasion  the  attacks 
against  him  were  so  deliberate  that  he  thought  it 
necessary  to  imprison  the  leaders  of  the  movement. 
He  was  accused  of  plotting  against  his  sovereign,  and 
whatever  blunders  and  mistakes  had  been  made — 
and  there  were  a  great  many — were  rightly  or 
wrongly  attributed  to  the  intrigues  of  Essad  Pasha. 
It  was  generally  believed  that  the  Prince  was  the 
victim  of  his  machinations. 

The  popular  discontent  against  the  Pasha  was  also 
insidiously  kindled  by  Austrian  agents,  for  Austria 
had  to  settle  old  and  actual  scores  with  him,  in- 
asmuch as  the  powerful  Minister  had  defeated  and 
eliminated  Austrian  influence  in  Albania. 

The  Austrian  agents  sought  and  secured  the  alli- 
ance of  the  nationalists,  the  irreconcilable  opponents 


THE  OVERTHROW  OF  E88AD  PASHA  145 

of  Essad.  As  a  result,  during  the  night  of  May  19th, 
a  group  of  armed  Albanian  nationalists  surrounded 
the  house  of  Essad  Pasha.  In  addition,  the  newly- 
bought  Austrian  guns,  which  were  temporarily  op- 
erated by  Austrian  officers,  were  trained  against  the 
house  from  the  yard  of  the  Palace  of  the  Prince. 
Two  or  three  shots  were  fired  against  Essad  Pasha, 
accompanied  by  the  furious  yells:  '^Down  with  Es- 
sad Pasha !     Down  with  the  tyrant ! ' ' 

In  view  of  this  bombardment,  Essad  Pasha  gave 
himself  up  into  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  officer  who 
was  commanding  the  nationalists  and  who  succeeded 
in  saving  his  prisoner  from  stray  bullets  by  leading 
him  out  through  a  back  door.  The  powerful  Minis- 
ter was  now  a  prisoner  in  the  Palace  of  the  Prince. 
A  little  later,  however,  he  was  carried  aboard  the 
Austrian  battleship  Ssigetvar,  for  the  sake  of  greater 
safety.  The  Ssigetvar  and  a  number  of  other  Aus- 
trian and  Italian  warships  had  been  mooring  in  the 
Bay  of  Durazzo  ever  since  the  arrival  of  the  Prince. 

Hitherto,  Austria  and  Italy  had  been  fighting  each 
other  through  diplomatic  encounters,  at  the  expense 
of  Albania,  of  course.  But  now  they  had  to  come  to 
close  quarters.  In  the  face  of  the  aggressive  action 
of  Austria,  Italy  felt  it  to  be  her  duty  to  intervene, 
lest  the  balance  of  influence  be  tipped  on  the  side 
of  her  ally  and  rival.  The  Italian  Minister  per- 
emptorily demanded  the  surrender  of  Essad  Pasha 
to  the  commander  of  the  Italian  squadron.  The 
Austrians  refused.  An  incident  now  occurred  which 
is  still  known  only  to  a  few  persons.  On  the  refusal 
of  the  commander  of  the  Szigetvar  to  comply  with 
the  Italian  demand,  the  two  rival  squadrons  cleared 
for  action  and  arrayed  themselves  for  battle  in  the 


146  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

port  of  Durazzo,  which  had  been  neutralized  by  the 
Powers  along  with  the  whole  of  the  Albanian  coast. 
During  the  twenty-four  hours  that  followed  the  over- 
throw of  Essad  Pasha,  the  wireless  of  the  respective 
flagships  were  continuously  flashing,  feverishly 
transmitting  communications  to,  and  receiving  or- 
ders from,  the  respective  capitals,  Vienna  and  Rome. 
For  a  moment  it  seemed  as  though  Albania  was 
to  become  the  Schleswig-Holstein  of  Austria  and 
Italy. 

If  the  naval  battle  did  not  take  place,  the  cause 
did  not  lie  in  any  disinclination  to  fight.  The  real 
reason  was  that  the  Austrians  wavered  at  the  last 
moment,  because  of  their  inferiority  in  naval  units 
and  armaments.  On  the  mediation,  therefore,  of  the 
Prince  of  Albania,  Essad  Pasha  was  surrendered  to 
the  Italians  with  the  understanding  that  he  was  to 
be  condemned  to  perpetual  banishment. 

And  yet,  the  world  expected  to  see  a  prosperous 
and  thriving  Albania,  in  spite  of  all  the  shackles  and 
handicaps  which  the  bitter  rivalry  of  her  two  pro- 
tectors put  in  her  narrow  pathway. 

IV.    THE    UPRISING    OF    CENTRAL   ALBANIA 

The  report  of  the  forcible  dismissal  of  Essad 
Pasha  brought  about  an  agitation  in  his  native  city, 
Tirana;  but  no  sign  of  unrest  was  reported  from 
any  other  place. 

Even  the  agitation  of  Tirana  had  the  character  of 
a  not  very  serious  disturbance,  inasmuch  as  the  com- 
motion was  confined  to  the  numerous  famih^  of  Top- 
tani,  to  which  Essad  Pasha  belongs,  and  to  its  de- 
pendencies and  estates.  To  quell  the  agitation,  the 
government  of  Durazzo  dispatched  against  Tirana 


TEE  UPRISIXG  OF  CENTRAL  ALBANIA  147 

an  expeditionary  force  of  about  eighty  gendarmes 
and  nationalists,  with  two  machine-guns. 

On  its  way  to  Tirana,  the  small  contingent  had  to 
pass  through  the  neighboring  town  of  Sh.  Jak  (St. 
James),  which  is  mainly  inhabited  by  fanatical  Mos- 
lem refugees  from  Bosnia.  No  stir  was  noticed  in 
the  town,  but  the  passage  through  it  was  to  be  ac- 
companied by  the  most  momentous  consequences, 
which  confirm  the  fact  that  a  trifling  cause  may  have 
tremendous  results.  In  order  to  clear  the  way  for 
his  troop,  the  commanding  officer.  Captain  Saar,  an- 
other Dutch  officer,  in  complete  ignorance  of  the 
deep-rooted  customs  of  the  countrj^  had  issued  the 
fatal  order  to  his  soldiers  to  shoot  any  armed  man 
they  might  encounter.  In  fact,  the  gendarmes  did 
fire  against  a  group  of  three  men,  one  of  whom 
escaped  and  sounded  the  alarm  to  the  effect  that 
the  soldiers  of  the  Prince  had  come  to  massacre  the 
inhabitants  of  Sh.  Jak.  The  peasants  rose  imme- 
diately, and  the  contingent  of  Captain  Saar  was  dis- 
armed and  imprisoned.  In  so  doing,  the  Bosnian 
refugees  of  Sh.  Jak  were  acting  under  the  appre- 
hension which  was  caused  by  a  report  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  Durazzo  was  contemplating  shipping 
them  to  Turkey  on  account  of  their  fanaticism  in 
religious  matters. 

Instead  of  trying  to  calm  the  frightened  inhab- 
itants of  Sh.  Jak,  the  government  of  Durazzo  com- 
mitted the  gravest  of  all  blunders.  An  order  was 
given  to  the  batteries  of  the  fortress  of  Durazzo  to 
bombard  the  mistaken  insurgents  who  had,  in  the 
meantime,  occupied  the  hills  of  Rashbull,  which  sep- 
arate their  town  from  Durazzo.  This  was  the  most 
flagrant  violation  of  one  of  the  most  sacred  institu- 


148  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

tions  of  the  country,  the  famous  "Bessa"  or  ''pledge 
of  good  faith,"  a  breach  of  which  is  never  par- 
doned by  Albanians.  The  Bessa  had  naturally  been 
adopted,  in  its  entirety,  even  by  the  Moslem  Bosnian 
refugees. 

At  the  same  time,  the  government  of  Durazzo 
gathered  together  all  the  available  men  of  the  cap- 
ital and  sent  them  to  occupy  the  hills,  which,  how- 
ever, they  found  in  the  possession  of  the  insurgents, 
with  whom  they  now  came  into  armed  conflict. 
While  the  battle  was  going  on,  some  interested  for- 
eign agents  sounded  at  Durazzo  the  alarm  of  the 
approach  of  the  rebels  to  its  gates.  The  panic- 
stricken  population  rushed  to  the  ships  in  port,  and 
the  Prince,  himself,  and  his  family,  victims  of  a  false 
report,  sought  refuge  on  board  an  Italian  man-of- 
war. 

The  flight  of  the  Prince,  though  he  returned  soon 
afterwards  to  his  Palace,  compromised  both  his  dig- 
nity and  the  confidence  which  people  had  reposed 
in  him.^  The  consternation  of  the  Albanians  was 
pathetic.  It  was  now  plainly  seen  that  the  Prince 
was  not  the  ruler  whom  a  brave  people,  like  the  Al- 
banian, would  wish  to  have,  no  matter  if  he  had  been 
misled  by  insidious  enemies,  and  if  he  tried  to  make 
up  for  it  the  next  day,  when  he  rode  all  alone  along 
the  battleline. 

Aside  from  the  general  demoralization,  the  loyal 
forces  failed  to  occupy  the  hills,  though  they  saved 
Durazzo,  which  was,  however,  in  no  real  danger. 
Moreover,  the  agitators  obtained,  in  the  meantime, 
complete  mastery  over  the  city  of  Tirana,  owing  to 

1  On  hearing  of  the  flight  of  the  Prince,  the  Military  Club  of 
Potsdam  expunged  his  name  from  the  record  of  its  members. 


THE  UPRISING  OF  CENTRAL  ALBANIA  149 

the  diversion  offered  by  the  insurgents  of  Sh.  Jak. 
Witliin  a  few  days  the  whole  of  Central  Albania  was 
in  arms  against  the  government  of  Durazzo. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  the  rebels  took  the  offensive 
by  attacking  Durazzo  which  was  now  protected  by 
the  Moslems  and  Catholics  of  Northern  Albania. 
In  this  furious  battle,  Colonel  Thomson,  sub-head  of 
the  Dutch  Mission,  the  beloved  idol  of  the  Albanians, 
rendered  the  supreme  sacrifice  to  Albania,  which  he 
had  learned  to  love  during  his  short  residence  there 
as  dearly  as  his  own  native  land,  by  giving  his  life 
on  the  battlefield. 

Foreign  correspondents  have  spread  the  report 
that  Central  Albania  revolted  because  its  Moslem 
population  resented  the  rule  of  a  Christian  Prince. 
Others  have  asserted  that  the  uprising  was  due  to 
the  resentment  which  people  felt  on  account  of  the 
summary  dismissal  of  Essad  Pasha.  Neither  asser- 
tion is  borne  out  by  the  facts,  for  not  only  did  the 
rebels  first  seize  and  distribute  among  themselves 
the  estates  of  Essad  Pasha,  but  the  same  rebels 
transmitted  a  humble  plea  to  the  Prince,  after  his 
departure,  to  return  to  Albania,  when  Essad  Pasha 
had  established  his  rule  in  Durazzo,  as  we  shall  see 
a  little  later. 

The  underlying  cause  of  the  revolution  was 
agrarian.  The  land  of  Central  Albania  belongs 
mostly  to  the  native  noblemen.  Beys  and  Pashas, 
who  own  very  large  estates.  The  land  was  usually 
leased  to  tenants  on  very  onerous  terms,  such  as  the 
giving  to  the  owner  of  one-third  of  the  total  produc- 
tion. The  tenants  expected  that  the  new  govern- 
ment of  the  Prince  of  Wied  would  improve  their  lot, 
and,  when  they  saw  that  the  Prince  was  still  sur- 


150  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

rounded  by  the  Beys  and  Pashas,  they  took  the 
matter  into  their  own  hands  at  the  first  opportunity, 
which  happened  to  be  that  offered  by  the  events  that 
occurred  after  the  dismissal  of  Essad  Pasha. 

What  helped  the  rebels  the  most  was  the  impotence 
of  the  government  of  Durazzo,  the  existence  of  a 
state  of  war  in  Southern  Albania,  and  the  demorali- 
zation which  followed  the  first  outbreak  as  a  result 
of  foreign  interference  and  intrigue. 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  uprising  and  of  its 
swift  expansion  was  the  violation  of  the  Bessa.  The 
government  of  Durazzo  entered  into  negotiations 
with  the  insurgents,  but  it  could  not  possibly  achieve 
anything,  because  it  had  broken  the  Bessa,  by  attack- 
ing the  town  of  Sh.  Jak  without  any  previous  warn- 
ing:. 


1 


v.    THE    END    OF    THE    REIGN 

Despite  the  daily  reenforcement  of  the  garrison  of 
Durazzo,  through  the  addition  of  more  Moslem  and 
Catholic  defenders,  the  position  of  the  besieged  cap- 
ital could  not  be  improved.  The  bitter  rivalry  of 
Austria  and  Italy,  which  ended  in  constant  interfer- 
ence with  the  defense  of  the  capital  as  well  as  with 
the  rest  of  the  military  operations,  had  completely 
disorganized  the  whole  governmental  system.  What 
one  of  the  two  Powers  was  trying  to  do  to  help  the 

1  The  writer  was  sent  by  the  International  Commission  of  Con- 
trol, in  his  quality  as  Secretary  to  that  body,  to  negotiate  with  the 
rebels  in  many  contingencies.  He  was,  therefore,  able  to  ascertain 
that  the  principal  reason  why  the  rebels  were  unwilling  to  reconcile 
themselves  with  the  Government  of  the  Prince  was  because  the 
plighted  faith  had  been  broken.  The  reasoning  of  the  rebels  was 
that  the  Prince  had  come  to  Albania  on  the  pledge  of  good  faith, 
which  was  naturally  meant  to  be  mutual,  and  now  that  he  had 
broken  it,  they,  the  rebels,  could  not  recognize  him  as  their  lawful 
ruler. 


THE  END  OF  THE  REIGN  151 

Albanian  government  was  negatived  by  the  rival 
action  of  the  other  Power.  Each  of  these  govern- 
ments was  trying  to  pull  the  rope  to  its  side,  and 
the  result  was  standstill  and  deadlock,  while  the 
revolution  was  spreading  through  Central  Albania. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Greeks  or  Epirots,  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  situation.  Emboldened  by  the  dis- 
turbances of  Central  Albania,  they  tore  to  pieces  the 
Disposition  of  Corfou  (p.  143),  and  completed 
the  devastation  of  Southern  Albania,  according  to 
their  original  program.  They  burned  down  three 
hundred  to^^^ls  and  villages,  and  drove  from  their 
hearths  150,000  men,  women  and  children,  in  order 
to  prove  the  attachment  of  that  unfortunate  popula- 
tion to  the  criminal  Government  of  Autonomous  Epi- 
rus  and  to  its  sponsor,  the  government  of  Athens. 
Most  of  the  refugees  died  the  terrible  death  of  star- 
vation at  Valona  and  in  its  suburbs.^ 

The  European  Powers  were  finally  moved  by  this 
inhuman  treatment  inflicted  on  the  Albanians  by 
the  Christian  Greek  nation.  The  devastation  of 
Southern  Albania  became  a  matter  of  serious  discus- 
sion in  the  British  Parliament,  and  the  hitherto 
evasive  Sir  Edward  Grey  openly  condemned  the 
Greek  atrocities. 

Mr,  Aubrey  Herbert  asked  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs  whether  he  has  any  information 
as  to  massacres  committed  in  Epirus;  and  whether 
he  has  any  information  showing  that  definite  steps 
will  be  taken  by  the  Greek  government  to  put  an  end 
to  this  state  of  affairs : 

1  See  The  Christian  Work,  October,  1914.  Special  number  pub- 
lished by  the  Albanian  Relief  Committee  of  New  York.  Photo- 
graphs inserted. 


152  ALBANIA,  PA  1ST  AND  PRESENT 

Sir  Edward  Grey. — I  have  little  to  add  to  what  I 
have  already  told  the  House  on  this  subject.  The 
accounts  of  what  has  occurred  in  Southern  Albania 
are  very  distressing,  but  I  have  received  no  details 
in  regard  to  actual  excesses  or  massacres  and  such 
reports  as  have  reached  me  as  to  the  numbers  that 
have  been  rendered  homeless  are  from  unofficial 
sources,  which  cannot  all  be  considered  as  quite  re- 
liable. In  Valona  itself,  I  hear  from  a  private  source 
that  there  are  now  some  12,000  refugees,  but  I  fear 
that  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  in  the  country  round 
thousands  more  are  destitute  and  in  urgent  need  of 
the  necessities  of  life.  Some  proposals  have  been 
made  for  their  immediate  relief.  The  Italian  Gov- 
ernment informed  me  that  they  were  prepared  to 
send  maize  and  other  necessaries  at  once,  and  His 
Majesty's  Government  are  ready  to  bear  their  share 
of  the  cost,  if  the  other  Powers  do  likewise.  Fur- 
thermore, the  Powers  are  considering  the  dispatch 
from  Durazzo  of  an  international  mission  who  will 
endeavor  to  elucidate  past  occurrences,  and  I  trust 
contribute  to  the  restoration  of  some  sort  of  order 
and  confidence.  Such  information  as  I  have  received 
that  seemed  trustworthy  respecting  excesses  in 
Epirus  I  have  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Greek 
Government,  pointing  out  that  though  I  am  con- 
vinced that  M.  Venizelos  earnestly  desires  to  prevent 
these  occurrences,  the  fact  of  their  being  due  to 
Greeks,  however  irresponsible,  must  produce  a  very 
unfavorable  impression.^ 

In  consequence,  the  Powers  entered  into  negotia- 
tions with  the  view  to  providing  the  necessary  means 

1  Pari.  Debates,  House  of  Commons,  Vol.  65,  pp.  1091-92. 


THE  END  OF  THE  REION  153 

for  the  expulsion  of  the  Greeks  from  Southern  Al- 
bania and  to  strengthening  the  Government  of  Du- 
razzo.  But  at  the  moment  when  the  result  of  these 
negotiations  was  to  be  carried  into  effect,  there  oc- 
curred the  assassination  of  the  Austrian  Archduke, 
Francis  Ferdinand,  with  its  too  well-known  conse- 
quences, and  the  Powers  had  to  forget  Albania.^ 

Even  after  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war, 
there  were,  nevertheless,  many  sanguine  Albanian 
patriots  who  earnestly  believed  that  the  situation 
was  not  entirely  hopeless.  Their  idea  was  to  trans- 
fer the  capital  to  Scutari,  around  which  there  stood 
the  whole  of  the  loyal  Northern  Albania,  or  to  Va- 
lona,  which  also  remained  loyal  to  the  government 
to  the  very  last  moment. 

But,  a  few  days  only  after  the  beginning  of  hostili- 
ties in  Europe,  it  was  rendered  evident  that  the  sit- 
uation was  quite  untenable,  on  account  of  the  finan- 
cial distress  of  the  government. 

The  death  knell  of  the  reign  of  Prince  William  of 
Wied,  Hereditary  Mbret  of  Albania,  had  sounded, 
and  on  September  3rd,  1914,  after  six  months  of 
troublesome  and  disheartening  rule,  the  Prince  em- 
barked, with  his  family,  on  board  the  Italian  yacht 
Misurata  and  sailed  away  to  Europe.  Prior  to  his 
departure,  however,  he  issued  a  proclamation  to  the 
Albanian  people  wherein  he  stated  that,  owing  to 
the  unsettled  conditions  of  Europe,  he  deemed  it 
necessary  to  absent  himself  temporarily  from  his 
beloved  people,  in  order  to  return  when  conditions 
should  be  more  propitious. 

Contrary,  then,  to  the  generally  prevailing  opin- 

ilbid..  Vol.  63,  p.  1961. 


154  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ion,  he  has  not  abdicated  as  yet,  though  the  chances 
of  his  coming  back  to  Albania  are  nil  from  every 
point  of  view. 

REFERENCES 

Dillon,  E.  J.,  The  Albanian  Tangle,  Fortnightly  Review,  July,  1914, 

pp.  1-28. 
Ericson,    C.   Telford,   The   Truth    About   Albania,   Asiatic   Review, 

Vol.  5   (N.  S.)    (beg.  with  p.  163),  August,  1914. 
Italo-Sullioti   ( Special  Correspondent  in  Albania  of  the  La  Tribuna 

of  Rome),  Sei  mesi  di  regno  in  Albania,  Milan,  1914,  pp.  1-126. 
Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  Albania  and  the  Albanians,  Quarterly  Review 

(July,  1917),  Vol.  228,  pp.  162-168. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
ALBANIA  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR 

I.    INTERNATIONAL    POST-REGNUM 

By  a  singular  turn  of  the  wheel  of  fate,  the  Prince 
had  to  delegate  his  sovereign  authority  to  the  same 
body  from  the  hands  of  which  he  had  received  it 
when  he  first  set  foot  on  the  Albanian  soil. 

On  leaving  Albania,  the  unlucky  ruler  handed  over 
the  government  to  the  International  Commission  of 
Control  whose  high  prerogatives  he  had  at  first  dis- 
regarded. But,  in  the  present  circumstances,  even 
the  Commission  of  Control  could  not  fare  any  better 
than  the  Prince,  although  it  was  cloaked  with  the 
prestige  of  acting  in  the  name  of  the  European  Pow- 
ers. The  outbreak  of  the  great  war  had  caused  the 
breaking  up  of  the  Commission.  From  the  first  days 
of  the  hostilities  in  Europe,  the  British,  Gennan  and 
Russian  delegates  had  been  withdrawTi  by  the  action 
of  their  respective  governments;  there  remained 
only  the  representatives  of  Austria,  Italy  and 
France.  There  was  no  Albanian  delegate.  More- 
over, it  could  not  be  rationally  expected  that  the 
delegate  of  France  would  cooperate,  for  the  sake  of 
Albania,  with  that  of  Austria  while  their  govern- 
ments were  at  war.  Furthennore,  the  absence  of 
funds  and  the  lack  of  any  moans  for  the  enforcement 
of  their  authority  rendered  the  task  of  the  remainder 
of  the  delegates  a  well-nigh  hopeless  one. 

155 


156  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

It  was,  therefore,  not  at  all  surprising  that  even 
the  other  members  of  the  International  Commission 
of  Control  soon  dispersed,  only  a  few  weeks  after 
the  occupation  of  Durazzo  by  the  insurgents,  who 
hastened  to  inform  the  Commission  that  they  had  had 
enough  of  Europe,  and  that  they  meant  to  govern 
themselves  according  to  their  own  notions. 

The  country  was  thus  left  without  any  government 
at  a  critical  moment  when  international  morals  had 
relaxed — after  the  violation  of  Belgian  neutrality  by 
Germany — and  when  each  State  was  watching  with 
eagerness  its  neighbor  to  discover  any  slackening  in 
its  power  of  resistance.  The  only  exception  to  this 
state  of  anarchy  which  prevailed  in  Albania  was 
afforded  by  Northern  Albania,  which  relapsed  again 
into  its  peculiar  system  of  local  self-government, 
and  by  the  city  of  Scutari  which  was  governed  by 
a  council  of  its  notables  under  the  supervision  of 
the  consuls  of  the  Entente  Allies. 

II.    THE    GOVERNMENT    OF    ESSAD    PASHA 

One  month  after  the  departure  of  the  Prince,  Es- 
sad  Pasha  hastily  returned  to  Durazzo.  Taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  situation,  he  now  came  back  to  Al- 
bania with  a  collection  of  hirelings  recruited  from 
among  the  Albanians  assigned  to  Serbia.  This  was 
done,  of  course,  with  the  authorization  of  the  Serbian 
government,  which  even  provided  the  funds  for  their 
equipment. 

Essad  PaS'ha  now  set  up  the  so-called  '^Govern- 
ment of  Central  Albania,"  which  was  made  up  of 
ignorant  peasants  and  of  some  vagabond  Old  Turks. 
His  constant  effort  was  to  set  up,  by  any  means 
available,  a  government  under  his  presidency,   so 


THE  INVASION  OF  ALBANIA  157 

as  to  figure  later  before  the  world  as  an  unjustly 
dispossessed  ruler. 

The  Government  of  the  Pasha  had  hardly  been 
formed  when  the  rebels  of  Central  Albania,  the  same 
people  who  had  previously  attacked  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Prince,  now  turned  their  arms  against 
the  alien  government  of  Essad  Pasha.  They  at- 
tacked Durazzo,  in  the  same  old  way,  but  the  Pasha 
found  shelter  under  the  protecting  fire  of  the  Italian 
Na\'y^,  which  rushed  to  his  aid,  and  which  alone  was 
able  to  check  the  advance  of  the  rebels  and  to  save 
Essad  Pasha  and  his  capital.  Thenceforth,  the  do- 
minion over  which  the  ''Government  of  Central  Al- 
bania" ruled  was  confined  to  the  small  peninsula 
which  is  occupied  by  the  city  of  Durazzo.  The 
rebels  remained  encamped  at  the  gates  of  the  be- 
sieged city,  and  the  Italian  squadron  was  constantly 
moored  in  the  Bay  of  Durazzo,  ready  for  action 
against  them.  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  insur- 
gents transmitted  by  telegram  a  humble  plea  to  the 
Prince  of  Wied,  begging  his  forgiveness  and  asking 
him  to  return  to  Albania!  Assuredly,  these  Cen- 
tral Albanians  are  les  enfants  terrihles. 

This  curious  situation  around  the  capital  lasted 
up  to  the  day  when  the  Serbian  and  Montenegrin 
troops  came  to  the  relief  of  Essad  Pasha.  Mean- 
while, the  Pasha  persisted  in  speaking  and  acting  on 
behalf  of  Albania,  which  stood  in  arms  against  him 
and  his  alien  Ministry. 

III.    THE    INVASION    OF   ALBANIA 

In  the  meantime  (end  of  November,  1914),  the 
troops  of  King  Constantine  had  made  their  official 
reentrance  into  the  southern  provinces  of  Albania, 


158  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

which  they  had  devastated  some  three  months  be- 
fore in  their  unofficial  capacity,  the  Government  of 
Athens  having  now  declared  that  the  occupation  was 
intended  to  be  only  temporary.  This  was  also  the 
official  beginning  of  the  undoing  of  the  decisions  of 
the  Conference  of  the  Ambassadors. 

On  December  25th,  of  the  same  year,  Italian  ma- 
rines and  soldiers  landed  at  Valona  and  occupied  the 
city.  The  Government  of  Rome  declared  that  the 
occupation  of  Valona  by  Italian  troops  was  necessary 
in  order  to  safeguard  the  interests  of  the  Albanian 
State,  which  had  been  jeopardized  by  the  Greek  occu- 
pation of  the  territories  adjoining  Valona. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  1915,  the 
Serbians  and  Montenegrins  felt  tempted  by  the  ac- 
tion of  the  neighbors  of  Albania.  They,  therefore, 
began  an  invasion  of  Northern  and  Central  Al- 
bania, in  spite  of  the  angry  protests  of  Italy  and  of 
the  remonstrances  of  the  Entente  Allies,  who  advised 
the  governments  of  Nish  and  Cettinje  not  to  scatter 
their  forces  in  unfruitful  enterprises,  as  they  were 
all  sorely  needed  in  the  war  against  Austria-Hun- 
gary. But  the  Serbians  and  Montenegrins,  taking 
no  heed,  overcame  the  desperate  resistance  of  the 
Albanians  in  a  series  of  sanguinary  battles,  and  oc- 
cupied Northern  and  Central  Albania.  Scutari  was 
taken  only  after  a  bitter  engagement  in  which  9,000 
Albanians  were  killed.  The  consuls  of  the  Powers 
did  nothing  to  prevent  the  seizure  of  the  city  which 
was  entrusted  to  their  supervisory  administration. 

Essad  Pasha  and  his  capital  were  relieved,  for  the 
moment,  but  in  the  Spring  of  1916  the  Teuton-Bul- 
garian armies  entered  on  their  decisive  campaign 


THE  REPUBLIC  OF  EORCHA  159 

against  the  Serbians  and  the  Montenegrins,  and  the 
latter  were  forced  to  withdraw  tlieir  troops  from 
Albania.  Into  this  country,  however,  their  deci- 
mated armies  fell  back  again,  shortly  afterwards,  in 
their  retreat  toward  the  Adriatic  Sea.  The  Aus- 
trians  occupied  Northern  and  Central  Albania,  and 
Essad  Pasha,  who  in  the  meantime  had  declared  war 
against  the  Central  Powers,  was  forced  to  transfer 
his  government  and  his  army  to  Salonica,  where  he 
now  posed  as  a  dispossessed  ruler  of  the  same  class 
as  King  Peter  of  Serbia  and  Nicholas  of  Montene- 
gro. It  was  only  very  late  that  the  Entente  Allies 
began  to  realize  that  his  influence  and  authority  in 
Albania  did  not  extend  beyond  his  immediate  fol- 
lowers in  Salonica.  Had  they  understood  this  while 
it  was  yet  time,  the  Albanians  who  were  struggling 
against  Essad  Pasha  would  have  been  on  the  side 
of  the  Entente  Allies  against  the  Central  Powers, 
and  the  Serbian  retreat  through  the  mountains  of 
Albania  would  not  have  proved  so  disastrous. 

During  the  late  summer  of  1916  the  Italian  expe- 
ditionary forces  in  Albania  began  their  southward 
march,  and  gradually  drove  the  troops  of  King  Con- 
stantine  from  Southern  Albania.  The  process  of  the 
occupation  of  the  southern  provinces  by  the  Italians 
was  brought  to  an  end  in  the  month  of  December, 
1916. 

rV.    THE   EEPUBLIC    OF    KORCHA 

In  the  same  month,  a  French  detachment  of  the 
army  of  Salonica,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Descoins,  reached  the  outskirts  of  the  city  of  Kor- 
cha,    about    the    ethnical    character    of    which    the 


160  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Greeks  had  made  so  much  trouble  during  and  after 
the  delimitation  of  the  southeastern  frontier  of  Al- 
bania. 

The  French  detachment  entered  the  city  after  an 
official  protocol  had  been  signed  to  the  effect  that  the 
city  and  its  neighboring  localities  should  be  allowed 
to  establish  Albanian  authorities.  On  the  11th  of 
December,  Colonel  Descoins  read  to  the  population 
a  proclamation  in  which  he  acknowledged  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  '' Autonomous  Albanian  Province  of 
Koritsa,"  and  thereupon  the  Albanian  flag  was 
hoisted,  while  the  French  army  presented  arms  in 
its  honor. 

A  provisional  government  of  fourteen  Christians 
and  Moslems,  was  formed,  a  Post  Office  was  insti- 
tuted, and  stamps  and  paper  money  were  issued.  In 
the  meantime,  owing  to  the  various  advances  of  the 
Allies  whom  the  tiny  republic  heartily  joined  as  a 
faithful  ally,  it  gained  several  extensions  of  terri- 
tory, and,  in  later  days,  it  attained  a  population  of 
about  200,000  souls. 

It  is  plainly  evident  that  when  the  question  arises 
of  the  genuine  application  of  the  right  of  self-deter- 
mination, there  will  remain  no  room  for  chicanes  and 
cabals  like  that  of  the  Autonomous  Epirus. 

When  Greece  joined  later  the  Entente  Allies  in 
the  war,  the  Greek  agents  were  allowed  one  more 
chance  for  intrigue  in  Korcha.  They  began  agi- 
tating on  the  school  question,  the  city  authorities 
having  shut  down  the  Greek  schools  as  soon  as  the 
Republic  was  established.  The  question  was  put  to 
a  plebiscite  and  the  overwhelming  verdict  of  the  peo- 
ple was  that  they  needed  no  Greek  schools  any  longer 
once  the  Albanian  ones  were  opened. 


THE  ITALIANS  IN  ALBANIA  161 

V.    THE    ITALIANS    IN    ALBANIA 

On  Italy's  entering  the  war  against  the  Central 
Powers,  the  Government  of  Rome  officially  stated 
that  one  of  the  war  aims  of  the  Italian  people  was 
to  be  the  reestablishment  of  the  independence  and 
integrity  of  the  Albanian  State. 

When,  therefore,  the  occupation  of  Southern  Al- 
bania on  the  part  of  the  Italian  troops  was  com- 
pleted, the  Italian  Government  proceeded  to  act  in 
pursuance  of  that  policy.  On  June  3,  1917,  Gen- 
eral Ferrero,  commander  of  the  Italian  troops  in 
Southern  Albania,  read  a  formal  proclamation  at 
Arghyrocastro,  the  erstwhile  seat  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  Autonomous  Epirus,  before  a  crowded  as- 
sembly of  Albanian  notables.  The  text  of  this  his- 
toric document  reads  as  follows : 

"To  the  whole  people  of  Albania: 

"To-day,  June  3rd,  1917,  which  is  the  memorable 
anniversary  of  the  establishment  of  Italian  con- 
stitutional liberties,  I,  General  Giacinto  Ferrero, 
commander  of  the  Italian  expeditionary  forces  in 
Albania,  do  solemnly  proclaim,  in  accordance  with 
the  orders  of  His  Majesty,  King  Victor  Emmanuel, 
the  unity  and  independence  of  the  whole  of  Albania, 
under  the  shield  and  protection  of  the  Italian  King- 
dom. 

"By  virtue  of  this  proclamation,  you,  Albanians, 
have  a  free  government,  an  army,  tribunals,  all  com- 
posed of  Albanians,  and  are  free  to  use  as  you  wish 
your  property  and  the  products  of  your  labor,  for 
your  own  benefit,  and  for  the  enrichment  of  your 
country. 

"Albanians! 


163  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

''Wherever  you  are,  whether  free  in  the  land  of 
your  birth,  or  in  exile  in  other  countries  and  under 
foreign  domination,  we  are  bringing  back  to  you  the 
civilization  of  the  Romans  and  of  the  Venetians. 

"You  know  the  bonds  that  unite  the  Italian  and 
Albanian  interests.  The  sea  divides  them,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  the  sea  binds  them  together.  Let 
all  good  citizens,  then,  stand  unitedly,  having  faith 
in  the  future  of  your  beloved  nation.  Come,  all  of 
you,  under  the  flags  of  Albania  and  Italy,  and  pledge 
yourselves  to  Albania,  which  is  to-day  proclaimed 
independent,  in  the  name  of  the  Italian  Government 
and  under  its  friendly  protection." 

The  question  of  how  far  this  ''shield  and  protec- 
tion" goes  has  often  been  raised,  but  no  definite 
answer  has  yet  been  given.^ 

Since  the  issuing  of  that  proclamation,  almost 
the  whole  of  Albania  has  come  into  the  possession 
of  the  Italian  troops,  as  a  result  of  the  expulsion  of 
the  Austro-Bulgarian  armies  from  the  Balkans.  In 
the  meantime,  the  Italian  occupation  has  greatly 
benefited  the  territories  of  Southern  Albania  which 
were  devastated  by  the  Greeks.  Albanian  local  au- 
thorities have  been  established,  schools  opened,  agri- 
cultural improvements  carried  out,  assistance  has 
been  given  to  those  rendered  homeless  by  the  devas- 
tation, roads  constructed,  and  the  country  is  in  proc- 
ess of  swift  development. 

The  main  question  now  is  that  of  satisfying  the 
Albanians'  craving  for  independence  and  for  a 
decent  form  of  national  government.  This  is,  of 
course,  in  the  hands  of  the  Peace  Conference  and 

1  For  a  discussion  of  tliis  question,  see  Current  History  Magazine, 
August,  1917,  pp.  284-286. 


THE  ITALIANS  IN  ALBANIA  163 

it  must  settle  once  for  all  this  apparently  trouble- 
some and  difficult,  but  in  reality  very  simple,  prob- 
lem, if  simplicity  be  desired  instead  of  the  compli- 
cations which  were  involved  in  the  first  attempt  to 
settle  the  Albanian  question  at  the  Conference  of  the 
Ambassadors. 

REFERENCES 

Ctjrrent  History  Magazine,  Reestablishing  Albania,  August,  1917, 

pp.  284-286. 
Italo-Sullioti,  Sei  mesi  di  reorno  in  Albania,  pp.  129-182. 
L'Illustration   (Paris),  La  Republique  Albanaise  de  Koritsa,  April 

7,  1917,  pp.  324-.326. 
Peacock,  Wadham.  Italy  and  Albania,  Contemporary  Review,  Vol. 

107,  beg.  with  p.  361,  March,  1915. 
Vita  Itaxiana  a  I'estero,  Un  anno  dopo  la  partenza  del  principe  di 

Wied,  November,  1915,  pp.  432-439. 


PART  III 
THE  LAND  AND  THE  PEOPLE 


CHAPTER  XIV 
GENERAL  GEOGRAPHY 

From  the  dark  barriers  of  that  rugged  clime, 
Ev'n  to  the  center  of  Illyria's  vales, 
Cliilde  Harold  passed  o'er  many  a  mount  sublime, 
Through  lands  scarce  noticed  in  historic  tales ; 
Yet  in  famed  Attica  such  lovely  dales 
Are  rarely  seen ;  nor  can  fair  Tempe  boast 
A  charm  they  know  not ;  loved  Parnassus  fails 
Though  classic  ground  and  consecrated  most, 
To  match  some  spots  that  lurk  within  this  lowering  coast. 
"Childe  Harold,"  Canto  II,  Stanza  XL VI. 

I.    AREA   AND    FRONTIERS 

The  term  "Albania"  has  been  geographically 
used  with  very  varying  signification,  which  has  been 
expanded  or  restricted  in  its  meaning  according  to 
political  exigencies.  The  Turkish  Government  al- 
ways avoided  pajdng  any  attention  to  the  natural  or 
ethnical  frontiers  of  Albania  in  the  administrative 
division  of  its  European  provinces. 

Some  thirty  years  ago,  the  Greek  Consul  at  Scu- 
tari, M.  Mavromatis,  in  a  statement  published  in 
the  newspaper  Akropolis  of  Athens,  made  the 
pertinent  remark  that  the  word  "Albania"  is  more 
comprehensive  in  its  ethnographical  than  in  its  geo- 
graphical meaning. 

In  fact,  the  Greek  Consul  proceeded  to  indicate 
five  ethnographical  zones,  to-wit : 

167 


168  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

1.  Southern  Albania,  from  the  Greek  boundary  (as 
it  stood  before  the  Balkan  war  of  1912)  to  the  river 
Shkumbi. 

2.  Central  Alha^via,  from  Shkumbi  to  the  River 
Mati. 

3.  Northern  Albania,  from  Mati  to  the  frontier  of 
Montenegro  before  1912. 

4.  Northeastern  Albania,  which  includes  Novi- 
Bazar,  Prisrend,  Prishtina,  etc.,  etc. 

5.  Macedonian  Albania,  from  the  lakes  of  Orchida 
and  Prespa  to  Prilep  and  Monastir.^ 

To  these  must  also  be  added  the  important  Al- 
banian colonies  in  Greece,  Italy,  Montenegro,  etc. 

The  first  attempt  to  delimit  the  Albanian  terri- 
tory was  made,  as  w^e  have  already  seen,  at  the  close 
of  the  Albanian  insurrection  of  1912,  when  the  Turk- 
ish Government  recognized  that  the  frontiers  of  the 
administratively  autonomous  Albania  extended  to 
the  four  western  European  vilayets,  namely,  the 
vilayets  of  Scutari,  Kossova,  Monastir  and  Janina. 
This  delimitation  corresponds  to  a  very  great  extent 
to  the  five  zones  of  M.  Mavromatis. 

The  region  inhabited  by  a  compact  and  mostly 
homogeneous  Albanian  population  may  be  roughly 
marked  out  by  a  line  drawn  from  the  Montenegrin 
frontier  at  Berana  (before  1912)  to  Mitrovitza  and 
the  Serbian  frontier  (again  before  1912)  near 
Vrania ;  thence  to  Uskub,  Prilep,  Monastir,  Fiorina, 
Kastoria,  Janina  and  Parga.^  Serving  as  natural 
boundaries,  there  are,  in  the  northeast,  the  moun- 
tains of  Shar  Dag — though  they  cut  off  compact  Al- 
banian populations,  in  the  east  and  southeast  the 

1  F.  Gibert,  "Les  Pays  d'Albanie,"  p.  120. 

2  J.  D.  Bourchier  in  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica :  Albania. 


PHYSICAL  FEATURES  169 

mountains  Grammos  and  Pindus,  and  in  the  west  the 
Adriatic  Sea. 

But  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors  took  into  con- 
sideration neither  the  delimitation  made  by  M.  Mav- 
romatis,  nor  that  which  tlie  Albanians  won  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet  in  1912,  nor  the  line  indicated 
by  Mr.  Bourchier,  nor  even  the  most  restricted  and 
most  expedient  of  all,  the  boundary  indicated  by 
nature  itself.  The  net  result  of  the  artificial  delimi- 
tation which  was  adopted  by  the  Conference  was  to 
abandon  to  the  Slavs  and  Greeks  about  a  half  of 
the  Albanian  territory,  and  to  thus  leave  the  new 
State  a  miserable  wreck  which  became  the  plaything 
of  circumstances. 

Another  point  of  interest  in  the  matter  of  the 
frontiers  is  that  the  Government  of  Athens  reversed 
the  statement  of  its  consul,  M.  Mavromatis,  by  claim- 
ing as  a  Greek  territory  the  country  which  he  had 
included  in  the  first  zone,  i.  e..  Southern  Albania  to 
the  River  Shkumbi,  which  Greece  has  been  claiming 
under  the  whimsical  brand-new  names  of  ''Northern 
Epirus"  to  the  Viosa  River,  and  ''Northernmost 
Epirus ' '  to  the  Shkumbi  River. 

The  present  area  of  official  Albania  is  estimated 
to  be  about  11,000  square  miles,  although  the  Alba- 
nian race  covers  a  territory  more  than  double  that 
size. 

II.    PHYSICAL   FEATURES 

Taken  as  a  whole,  Albania  is  rather  a  mountain- 
ous country.  But  her  mountains  are  of  the  "sub- 
lime" nature,  intercepted  by  "vales"  and  "lovely 
dales"  similar  to  those  which  that  connoisseur  of 
natural  beauties.  Lord  Byron,  had  seen  only  in  a 


170  ALBA^flA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

small  portion  of  Albania,  the  southern.  He  missed 
the  spectacle  of  the  valleys  of  Central  Albania  and 
of  the  northern  graphic  ranges  of  mountains,  which 
proudly  compare  in  beauty  and  picturesqueness  with 
the  landscapes  of  Switzerland. 

Physically,  the  territory  of  Albania  seems  to  be 
divided  by  nature  into  three  regions ; 

1.  The  northern  region  is  very  mountainous,  with 
occasional  lowlands.  Its  mountains  form  a  part  of 
the  Dinaric  Alpine  system  of  Dalmatia  and  Bosnia. 
It  is  richly  covered  by  fine  forests,  the  '^ virgin"  for- 
ests of  Albania. 

The  summits  of  Shar  Dag  (the  Argentar  Moun- 
tain) reach  a  height  of  about  3,000  meters,  and  those 
of  Liuma  are  nearly  as  high. 

2.  The  central  region,  which  lies  between  the  rivers 
Mati  and  Viosa,  is  fairly  open,  especially  in  the  di- 
rection of  the  seacoast.  It  includes  the  two  large 
and  fertile  plains,  those  of  Kavaja  and  Muzakia. 
The  eternally  snow-covered  Mount  Tomori  stands  in 
the  middle  like  a  giganic  marble-white  statue,  clearly 
visible  to  those  who  navigate  the  Adriatic  Sea.  Its 
summit,  Tomoritsa,  reaches  the  height  of  2,500  me- 
ters ;  from  its  sources  flow  the  crystal  waters  of  the 
region  round  about. 

3.  The  southern  region  is  again  more  or  less  moun- 
tainous, and  it  is  this  part  which  Byron  describes 
in  the  stanza  reproduced  at  the  head  of  this  chapter. 
It  is  intercepted  by  plains  and  valleys,  and  traversed 
by  beautiful  rivers.  The  modest  Acroceraunian 
Mountains,  which  stand  as  a  sentinel  over  the  nar- 
row Strait  of  Otranto,  are  hardly  1,500  in  height, 
but  the  mountains  of  Chimara,  which  face  south- 
■\vardly  the  fair  island  of  Corfou,  reach  2,000. 


PHYSICAL  FEATURES  171 

The  climate  of  Albania  is  generally  very  healthy 
both  in  the  uplands  and  the  lowlands,  except  in  the 
valleys  and  plains  close  to,  and  on  the  seacoast, 
where  the  presence  of  marshes  and  swamps  is  a  fre- 
quent cause  of  malaria.  A  system  of  drainage  may, 
however,  remedy  this  evil,  and  considerable  work 
has  lately  been  done  in  that  direction. 

Winters  are  short,  but  at  times  unusually  cold  in 
comparison  with  the  moderate  climate  of  the  country. 
The  seacoast,  however,  is  rarely  visited  by  snow, 
and  at  Valona  one  may  spend  the  wintertime  with- 
out any  appreciable  coal  bills.  Some  of  the  summits 
of  the  mountains  are,  however,  snow-covered  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  year.  Tomori  keeps  its 
snow-mantle  the  year  round. 

The  summer  temperature  in  the  plains  is  that  of 
southern  Italy ;  in  the  mountains  it  is  rather  cool  and 
changeable. 

Albania  is  traversed  in  all  directions  by  a  system 
of  splendid  rivers.  The  most  important  of  these 
are:  The  Bojana,  the  Drin,  Black  and  White,  the 
Shkumbi,  the  Semani  or  Devol,  the  silvery-white 
Viosa,  and  the  Southern  Drin.  The  course  of  the 
Semani  or  Devol  is  majestic,  with  its  many  falls  and 
cataracts,  which  sacrilegious  science  is  intending  to 
use  for  waterpower.  The  most  picturesque  is,  how- 
ever, the  noble  Viosa,  and  its  tributaiy,  the  Shu- 
shitsa,  the  bed  of  which  is  made  up  of  brilliantly 
shining  white  pebbles. 

These  river  courses,  rich  in  beautiful  scenery,  may 
provide  the  easiest  and  cheapest  means  of  communi- 
cation, if  they  be  properly  regulated  and  deepened, 
as  they  can  be  at  a  comparatively  small  expense. 

The  great  lakes  of  Scutari  and  Ochrida  are  among 


172  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  most  beautiful  in  Europe,  and  furnish  excellent 
fish.  The  waters  of  the  lake  of  Ochrida  are  of  mar- 
velous limpidity;  they  are  drained  into  the  Adriatic 
Sea  by  the  river  Devol. 

The  configuration  of  the  Albanian  coast  is  deeply 
indented  and  presents  many  inlets,  bays,  and  creeks. 
The  principal  seaports  on  this  coast  are  four:  San 
Giovanni  di  Medua  (so  named  by  the  Venetians), 
Durazzo,  Valona,  and  Santi  Quaranta  or,  more 
plainly,  Saranda.  With  the  exception  of  Valona, 
they  are  not  particularly  good,  but  are  capable  of 
improvement. 

Durazzo  might  be  made  the  best  harbor  on  the 
Adriatic,  if  the  marshy  isthmus  which  connects  the 
small  peninsula  of  Durazzo  with  the  mainland  were 
opened,  as  it  could  be  at  a  moderate  expense. 

Up  to  the  present  time,  Albania  has  been  a  derelict 
country  and  its  immense  natural  resources  have  re- 
mained totally  undeveloped.  This  is  also  true  with 
regard  to  her  general  economic  conditions,  as  we 
shall  presently  see. 

Everything  remains  to  be  done.  No  great  effort 
or  expenditure  will  be  required  and  success  is  as- 
sured. 

REFERENCES 

AuBRY,  E.,  Albanian  Sea-coaat,  Asiatic  Review,  Vol.  5,  July,  1914. 

Barbabich,  Eug.,  Albania,  Rome,  1905,  pp.  3-116. 

Hahn,  Dr.  Johann  Georq  vox,  Albanische  Studien,  pp.  3-39. 


CHAPTER  XV 
ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS 

I.   AGRICULTURE 

Albania  is,  primarily,  an  agricultural  country. 
But  her  isolation  from  the  outside  world  under  the 
long  Turkish  rule,  her  unsettled  conditions,  arising 
from  the  constant  strain  of  war,  the  notorious  in- 
difference of  the  Turkish  government  in  such  mat- 
ters, and,  most  of  all,  the  complete  lack  of  means  of 
communication,  are  responsible  for  the  backward 
and  primitive  state  of  agriculture  in  Albania. 

Yet  the  soil  of  Albania  is  very  good  and  fertile. 
It  is  estimated  that,  with  a  proper  cultivation  of  only 
the  plains  of  Kavaja  and  Muzakia,  the  agricultural 
products  will  not  only  supply  the  actual  population 
of  Albania  but  will  also  furnish  a  surplus  for  expor- 
tation. According  to  Dr.  Steinmetz,  the  agricultu- 
ral development  of  Albania  is  highly  promising,  her 
natural  resources  having  predestined  the  country  to 
the  first  place  along  the  entire  coast  of  the  Adriatic. 
Inasmuch  as  the  greater  part  of  the  plain  of  Muzakia 
is  public  property,  it  may  easily  become  a  magnifi- 
cent model  farm,  with  a  proper  system  of  drainage 
and  irrigation  which  is  rendered  easy  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  rivers  traversing  it. 

The  climatic  conditions  and  the  quality  of  the  soil 
are  favorable  for  raising  any  kinds  of  crops,  while 
the  dryness  of  the  summers  may  be  remedied  by 
irrigation. 

173 


174  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  basis  of  land  ownership  is  the  freehold,  and 
the  class  of  independent  yeomen  is  very  numerous. 
Most  of  the  land  belongs,  however,  to  the  great  land- 
owners, Beys  and  Pashas,  who  have  received  it  as 
fiefs  from  the  Sultan,  especially  for  meritorious 
services  rendered  in  war  and  peace.  The  land  is 
leased  by  them  to  the  peasantry,  in  the  form  of 
perpetual  leases.  The  right  of  eviction  has  become 
obsolete,  but  the  exactions  of  the  landowners  have 
proved  disastrous  to  any  agricultural  development. 
Usually,  the  lessee  is  required  to  turn  over  to  the 
landlord  one-third  of  the  produce ;  the  result  is  that 
the  peasant  does  not  care  to  grow  more  crops,  when 
he  knows  that  his  landlord  will  become  richer  and 
greedier  thereby. 

When  Southern  Albania  w^as  occupied  by  the 
Greek  troops,  during  the  war  of  1912,  the  Greek  au- 
thorities purposely  allowed  the  tenants  to  expropri- 
ate their  landlords,  in  order  to  render  more  difficult 
the  restitution  of  that  region  to  Albania. 

We  have  already  stated  that  the  first  act  of  the 
insurgents  of  Central  Albania,  who  rose  against  the 
Government  of  the  Prince  of  Wied,  was  to  distribute 
among  themselves  the  estates  of  the  landowners,  the 
most  important  of  which  are  the  extensive  lands  of 
Essad  Pasha. 

The  solution  of  this  land  question  is  a  matter 
which  will  confront  the  future  government  of  Al- 
bania. Yet,  the  undeniable  truth  is  that  the  condi- 
tion of  the  agricultural  laborers  of  Albania  is  more 
favorable  than  that  of  the  peasantry  of  Bulgaria  and 
Roumania. 

Owing  to  the  primitive  agricultural  implements 
and  to  other  circumstances  as  well,  vast  tracts  of 


AGRICULTURE  175 

arable  land  are  lying  fallow.  Their  improvement 
and  reclamation  would  become  a  source  of  wealth 
to  tlie  population  and  of  revenue  to  the  public  treas- 
ury. 

A  great  obstacle  to  the  development  of  agriculture 
is  the  absence  of  credit  facilities. 

The  Turkish  Farmer's  Bank  (Banque  Agricole), 
which  had  a  few  branches  in  the  cities  of  Albania, 
was  the  only  bank  that  gave  agricultural  credit. 
But  its  bad  management  and  questionable  dealings 
had  discredited  it  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  and  in 
the  last  days  of  the  Turkish  domination  was  stead- 
ily losing  ground.  The  Provisional  Government  of 
Valona  tried  to  revive  it  by  reforming  it,  but  its 
previous  reputation  militated  against  the  success  of 
the  measures  of  reform. 

II.    CEOPS    AND    STOCK    RAISING 

As  has  alreadj^  been  said,  the  character  of  the  soil 
is  favorable  for  the  raising  of  a  great  variety  of 
crops. 

Many  kinds  of  fruit  are  grown  in  great  quantities, 
and  their  quality  is  renowned. 

The  apples  and  peaches  of  Kavaja  and  Sh.  Jak 
are  famous  in  Southeastern  Europe,  and  the  apples 
of  Ochrida  even  more  famous.  But  the  lack  of 
means  of  transportation  has  prevented  their  culti- 
vation in  very  considerable  quantities;  they  are 
often  allowed  to  rot,  because  there  are  no  ways  of 
shipping  them  to  the  markets. 

Two  other  important  products  are  olives  and  to- 
bacco. 

There  are  plentiful  forests  of  olive  trees  at  Valona 
and  Elbasan,  but  the  lack  of  scientific  management 


176  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

has  rendered  them  slightly  productive.  The  olives 
are  usually  exported  to  Italy  and  Austria,  where  the 
famed  Valona  oil  is  extracted. 

The  future  of  tobacco  is,  on  the  other  hand,  most 
promising.  The  tine  blond  tobaccoes  of  Elbasan 
and  Scutari  are  renowned  throughout  the  Balkans. 

Nothing  could  do  more  to  increase  the  production 
of  tobacco  and  olive  oil  than  the  erection  of  a  num- 
ber of  factories  which  might  utilize  the  splendid 
water-power  of  the  rivers  which  traverse  the  coun- 
try in  all  directions. 

Cotton  and  rice  raising  have  shown  very  good  re- 
sults. 

The  principal  kinds  of  livestock  raised  in  Albania 
are,  in  the  order  of  their  importance,  horses,  w^hich 
are  exported  mainly  to  Italy,  sheep,  of  which  only 
the  wool  and  hides  are  exported,  and  some  species 
of  domesticated  cattle. 

During  the  Middle  Ages,  the  horses  of  Muzakia 
were  used  in  great  numbers  in  all  the  armies  of  Eu- 
rope, and  the  light  Albanian  cavalry  enjoyed  a  most 
enviable  reputation.  Many  a  battle  won  by  Scan- 
derbeg  was  due  to  this  light  cavalry.  But  since  his 
time,  the  equine  race  has  deteriorated,  though  the 
small  horse  of  Muzakia  retains  some  highly  valued 
qualities. 

Under  present  conditions,  and  unless  the  Alba- 
nian-Serbian frontier  be  rectified,  there  is  not  much 
hope  for  stock  raising,  because  the  most  convenient 
pastures  are  across  the  boundary  line. 

Poultry  and  eggs  are  raised  in  immense  quantities, 
and  owing  to  the  great  demand  for  them  in  Italy  and 
Austria  there  is  a  bright  chance  for  the  future  of 
poultry  raising. 


AGRlCULfVRB  177 

Game  and  fish  are  plentiful,  too,  and  likely  to  be- 
come sources  of  wealth. 

III.    COMMERCE 

From  the  day  of  the  completion  of  the  railway  net 
of  Macedonia,  connecting  Western  and  Central  Eu- 
rope with  the  Balkan  Peninsula  and  the  eastern  ter- 
ritories, Albania  lost  the  commercial  position  she 
had  previously  enjoyed  in  the  Balkans.  Isolated  en- 
tirely from  the  continent,  with  no  railwaj^s  or  other 
means  of  communication,  with  only  a  few  naturally 
good  harbors,  which  remained  just  in  their  natural 
state,  the  country  was  constrained  to  be  self-sufifi- 
cient,  importing  very  few  articles  of  commerce,  and 
exporting  fewer  still. 

Up  to  the  year  1913,  the  total  amount  of  foreign 
exchange  was  estimated  to  be  only  20,000,000  francs, 
of  which  two-thirds  consisted  of  imports.  With  the 
winning  of  independence,  the  commercial  movement 
showed  a  quick  upward  tendency,  the  increase  being 
one-third  in  nine  months  only.  And  yet,  Albania's 
natural  situation  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adri- 
atic has  predestined  her  to  a  privileged  commercial 
position. 

The  exported  articles  range  as  follows,  according 
to  the  order  of  their  importance:  Olives  and  olive 
oil,  poultry  and  eggs,  live-stock,  mainly  horses,  wool, 
hides,  salted  and  fresh  fish,  fruit,  wood,  etc. 

Imports:  Cotton  and  cotton-goods,  flour,  sugar, 
coffee,  timber  for  construction,  paper,  manufactured 
goods,  liquors,  etc. 

It  is  idle  to  speculate  as  to  the  value  and  amount 
of  each  of  these  imported  and  exported  articles,  be- 
cause  there   are   no   exact   and   reliable    statistics. 


178  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Those  furnished  by  the  Turkish  Custom  authorities 
are  simply  Turkish.  It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind,  how- 
ever, that  the  above  estimate  of  20,000,000  francs 
represents  only  a  fraction  of  the  commercial  move- 
ment, inasmuch  as  the  larger  part  of  commercial 
business  was  done  with  the  adjacent  inland  Euro- 
pean province  of  Turkey  as  well  as  with  Serbia, 
Greece,  and  Montenegro.  It  is  not,  therefore,  right 
to  think  that  the  commerce  of  Albania  is  as  small  as 
that  sum  would  seem  to  imply. 

The  construction  of  the  projected  railway  lines, 
which  will  connect  Albania  with  the  rest  of  the 
Balkans  and  with  Europe,  will  surely  revive  the 
formerly  flourishing  commerce  of  the  Albanian 
coast. 

The  sordid  little  town  of  Durazzo,  with  her  natural 
harbor,  which  is  none  too  safe  as  compared  with  the 
splendid  bay  of  Valona,  holds  the  first  place  in  the 
commercial  life  of  Albania,  and  is  likely  to  become 
once  more  what  it  was  in  ancient  times,  the  first  port 
on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adriatic,  when  the  pro- 
jected Durazzo-Monastir  railway  is  constructed. 

In  her  scanty  commercial  dealings,  Albania  has 
hitherto  had  very  little  to  do  with  the  rest  of  the 
world,  outside  of  her  immediate  neighbors. 

Austria  has  been  the  heaviest  importer  and  ex- 
porter. She  took  about  40^0  of  all  the  Albanian 
articles  of  export,  especially  olives  and  olive  oil, 
hides,  poultry  and  eggs. 

Italy  comes  second,  but  in  the  independent  Al- 
bania her  merchants  competed  very  successfully 
w^ith  the  Austrians. 

There  are  no  reliable  statistics  to  indicate  the 
trend  of  commerce  along  the  entire  Albanian  coast. 


AGRICULTURE  179 

The  Balkan  Revue  gives,  however,  an  account  of 
the  commercial  movement  of  the  various  nations 
in  the  port  of  Durazzo,  which  is  as  follows: 

Yeae  1913            Yeae  1912 

fbancs  per  cent.  fbancs  per  cent. 

Austria  4,451,200  47.3  3,186,180  56 

Hungary     276,010  2.9                84,780  I 

Italy     2,478,108  26.3              876,430  15 

Turkey   174,370  .4              243,620  3 

Greece     333,800  3.6  

England    1,140,680  12                 619,190  11 

Other  States   .  .  .       502,240  5.3              721,040  13 

The  above  statement  may  be  incomplete  in  many 
respects,  but  still  it  constitutes  a  good  illustration 
of  the  upward  tendency  of  the  commercial  movement 
in  1913,  i.  e.,  the  first  year  of  Albanian  independence, 
and  that  only  in  the  port  of  Durazzo,  a  port  not  very 
much  frequented  in  that  year. 

Again,  it  should  be  noted  that  no  account  is  given 
of  the  commerce  by  land. 

Before  bringing  this  topic  to  an  end,  let  us  add  a 
few  words  in  regard  to  industry  and  manufactures, 
as  there  is  very  little  to  be  said  about  them. 

There  are  few  manufacturing  industries  in  Al- 
bania, and  those  that  exist  are  in  a  state  of  infancy. 

Valona  produces  some  oil  from  her  olives,  but  the 
best  Valona  olive  oil  is  extracted  abroad,  mainly  in 
Italy  and  Austria,  to  which  countries  the  olives  are 
exported. 

There  are  a  few  flour  and  saw  mills,  but  flour  and 
timber  are  mainly  articles  of  importation.  There  is 
a  thri^dng  soap  factory  at  Elbasan,  and  there  are 
two  or  three  unimportant  tanneries  at  Korcha. 

Yet,  the  natural  resources  of  the  countr>^  and  its 
magnificent  water-power  mark  out  Albania  as  an 
important  industrial  center  in  the  near  future. 


180  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

rv.    MINERAL   RESOURCES   AND    FORESTS 

The  general  belief  is  that  Albania  is  very  rich  in 
mineral  resources.  It  is  reported  that  the  Romans 
extracted  from  the  Albanian  soil  large  quantities  of 
gold,  but  in  our  day  little  is  known  of  the  location 
of  those  mines.  Mirdita,  however,  is  believed  to  be 
rich  in  gold. 

French  and  German  engineers  have  discovered 
gold,  lead,  iron,  petroleum,  copper,  chomium,  anti- 
monium,  and  cinnabar,  and  one  of  them  has  reported 
that  in  each  ton  of  mineral  ore  there  may  be  found 
from  4  to  6  kilos  of  silver.^ 

One  thing  is  certain ;  that  Albania  is  very  rich  in 
coal  of  high  quality.  The  coal  mines  of  Korcha  are 
now  being  exploited,  on  a  very  limited  scale,  by  the 
authorities  of  that  independent  Albanian  province. 

The  same  thing  may  be  said  in  regard  to  pe- 
troleum. 

Moreover,  at  Selenitsa,  in  the  province  of  Valona, 
there  are  mines  of  mineral  pitch,  which  are  being 
exploited  by  a  French  company.  The  boulevards 
and  chaussees  of  Paris  are  mainly  paved  with  this 
Albanian  pitch. 

There  are  also  numerous  salt-works  along  the 
coast. 

Another  important  item  of  national  wealth  is  the 
forests,  some  of  which  exist  in  their  virgin  state. 
This  is  true  of  the  forests  of  Northern  Albania,  and 
especially  of  Mirdita.  But  the  area  covered  by  for- 
ests has  never  been  measured,  although,  according 
to  one  estimate  a  quarter  of  the  soil  is  wooded.^ 
Many  of  the  forests  of  Central  and  Southern  Albania 

1  F.  Gibert,  "Les  Pays  d'Albanie,"  p.  155. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  153. 


FINANCES  181 

have  been  destroyed  through  sheer  neglect  on  the 
part  of  the  Turkish  authorities,  as  has  also  happened 
in  other  parts  of  Turkey. 

The  principal  trees  are  the  oak,  the  Valona  oak, 
the  beech,  ash,  elm,  plane,  celtis,  poplar,  walnut, 
pine,  fir,  and  sumach. 

Because  of  the  want  of  systematic  exploitation  of 
native  timber,  construction  timber  is  imported  from 
Trieste. 

In  conclusion,  it  may  be  said  with  certainty  that 
the  future  of  Albania  lies  in  her  undeveloped  mineral 
and  forest  resources,  especially  the  former. 

V.   FINANCES 

The  finances  of  Albania  are  a  matter  largely  of 
speculation  and  of  guesswork,  because  her  govern- 
ment did  not  last  long  enough  to  make  any  valuation 
and  organization  of  the  financial  resources  of  the  new 
State.  Consequently,  very  little  may  be  said  about 
the  amount  and  eventual  balance  of  its  revenues  and 
expenditures.  There  has  been  very  little  chance  for 
making  official  estimates  relative  to  the  budget. 

Dr.  Hans  von  Strahlheimb  estimates  the  revenues 
of  the  Albanian  Government  as  being  about  twenty 
million  Austrian  crowns,  but  as  any  guess  is  as  good 
as  another,  no  definite  pronouncement  may  be  made 
on  this  matter.  The  estimates  of  the  Austrian 
writer  are,  moreover,  based  on  fallacious  premises, 
i.  e.,  on  the  Turkish  system  of  taxation,  which  was 
never,  as  a  fact,  applied  to  Albania.  Northern  Al- 
bania was  virtually  exempt  from  any  contributions 
to  the  Turkish  treasury,  and  the  officials  of  the  Sultan 
were  but  too  glad  to  get  only  what  they  could  from 
the  rest  of  the  country,  without  pushing  things  to  ex- 


182  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

tremes,  so  that  many  an  Albanian  tax-payer  man- 
aged to  go  scot  free.  If  a  proof  is  required,  a  very 
instructive  one  is  supplied  by  the  management  of 
the  stringent  Tobacco  Monopoly.  Tobacco,  in  all 
its  forms  and  kinds,  was  a  government  monopoly 
throughout  the  Turkish  Empire.  But  when  we  say 
''Turkish  Empire,"  we  should  not  necessarily  think 
that  Albania  was  included  in  it,  so  far  as  the  To- 
bacco Monopoly  was  concerned,  at  least,  for  in  the 
latter  country  every  smoker  availed  himself  of  the 
native  tobacco,  the  fine  blond  tobacco  of  Elbasan  and 
Scutari  in  particular,  without  paying  a  farthing 
either  to  the  Monopoly  or  to  the  tobacco  tax  collec- 
tors. Furthermore,  native  officials  were  too  jealous 
to  allow  money  to  travel  as  far  as  Constantinople. 

But  we  must  add  that  the  Albanian  Government 
found  no  difficulties  in  collecting  taxes,  and  the  priv- 
ileged Albanians  had  to  forego  their  time-honored 
immunity  from  taxation. 

In  conclusion,  it  may  be  said  that  there  will  be  no 
serious  trouble  in  making  both  ends  meet,  even  dur- 
ing the  first  stage  of  development.  Although  the 
country  has  been  impoverished  still  more  during  the 
great  war,  as  a  consequence  of  the  ravages  wrought 
by  the  various  invasions,  still,  as  the  chief  sources 
of  public  revenue  are  the  customs  dues  of  the  Al- 
banian ports,  whose  commercial  activity  will  be 
greatly  increased  with  the  restoration  of  peace,  the 
amount  of  revenues  will  not  be  affected  to  any  con- 
siderable extent. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  public  debt  of  Albania  will 
not  add  greatly  to  the  expenditures  of  the  State. 
In  accordance  with  the  provisions  made  by  the  Lon- 


COMMUNICATIONS  183 

don  Conference,  the  Powers  subscribed,  in  equal 
quotas,  to  an  Albanian  loan  of  75,000,000  francs,  the 
first  loan  contracted  by  independent  Albania.  Out 
of  this  loan,  the  Albanian  Government  drew  a  sum 
not  exceeding  10,000,000  francs,  which  represents 
the  actual  public  indebtedness  of  the  new  State. 

There  are  also  certain  other  items  of  public  in- 
debtedness; but  as  they  are  of  doubtful  nature  and 
origin,  one  cannot  readily  add  them  to  the  official 
figures  representing  the  Public  Debt  of  Albania,  as 
just  stated. 

VI.    COMMUNICATIONS 

Since  the  Romans  constructed,  some  two  thousand 
years  ago,  the  Imperial  Road,  via  Egnatia  or  ^gi- 
tana,  leading  from  Durazzo  to  Constantinople,  only 
three  more  short  highways  have  been  constructed 
during  the  long  Turkish  occupation.  No  wonder, 
then,  that  Albania  is  so  baclavard. 

The  following  are  these  three  highways: 

1.  From  San  Giovanni  di  Medua  to  Scutari. 

2.  From  Durazzo  to  Tirana. 

3.  From  Santi  Quaranta  to  Janina  and  Korcha. 
All  three  roads  have,  however,  never  been  kept 

in  a  tolerable  condition,  and  the  country  has  had  to 
manage  to  get  along  with  mules  and  donkeys. 

As  for  railways,  there  are  many  on  paper. 

Lately,  during  the  Austrian  and  Italian  occupa- 
tion of  Albania,  a  net  of  military  roads  has  been 
constructed,  but  this  kind  of  roads  cannot  be  durable, 
with  the  exception  of  those  opened  by  the  Italian 
military  authorities  in  Southern  Albania,  which  have 
been  constructed  with  a  view  to  permanency  and 


184  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

constitute  one  of  the  greatest  benefits  Italy  has  be- 
stowed on  Albania.  Moreover,  it  is  reported  that 
the  Italians  have  also  constructed  a  narrow  rail- 
way line  along  a  part  of  the  coast  of  Southern  Alba- 
nia, the  first  the  country  has  ever  seen. 

At  the  present  time,  there  are  three  projected 
railroad  lines  for  the  Albanian  territories. 

1.  From  Prishtina  to  Durazzo,  which  would  con- 
nect Albania  with  Serbia  and  Central  Europe. 

2.  From  either  Durazzo  or  Valona  to  Monastir, 
and  then  to  Salonica  and  the  rest  of  the  Balkans 
as  well  as  to  Asia  Minor. 

3.  A  purely  internal  line  from  Scutari  to  Arghyro- 
castro,  which  may  in  a  near  future,  be  connected  with 
the  railway  system  of  Northern  Greece. 

It  is  evident  that  these  three  lines,  or  at  least  the 
last  two,  are  indispensable  for  the  development  of 
the  country. 

Still,  another  and  more  available  means  of  com- 
munication is  afforded  by  the  possible  navigation  of 
the  rivers,  especially  of  Viosa,  Drin,  Shkumbi,  Devol, 
and  Bojana. 

In  ancient  times,  Viosa  was  open  to  navigation  by 
small  craft,  and  if  its  channel  were  deepened  and  its 
course  regulated,  communications  might  be  estab- 
lished between  Valona  and  the  mainland  of  Southern 
Albania.  The  same  is  true  with  regard  to  the  other 
rivers. 

The  Bojana  is  already  navigable  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, and  provision  has  been  made  for  deepening  the 
channel  under  the  auspices  of  the  two  riparian 
States,  Albania  and  Montenegro. 


COMMUNICATIONS  185 


REFERENCES 

By  far  the  best  reference  on  the  Economic  Conditions  of  Albania 
are  the  articles  published  in  every  issue  of  the 
Balkax  Revue,  Berlin,  beginning  with  the  year  1914. 
See  also  F.  GffiERT,  Les  Pays  d'Albanie,  pp.  145-164. 
Barbarich,  Exjg.,  Albania,  pp.  117-125,  225-274. 
Jaray,    Gabriel   Louis,    L'Albanie    Indopendante,    Revue   de    Paris, 
21i&me  ann6e,  Vol.  3,  1914,  pp.  219-224. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  ALBANIAN  PEOPLE 

I.    POPULATION — GHEGS   AND   TOSKS 

The  exact  numerical  strength  of  the  Albanian  race 
and  people  is  unknown,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  spe- 
cific statistics.  Those  furnished  by  the  Turkish  au- 
thorities are  not  only  unreliable,  but,  what  is  more, 
they  are  based  on  religious  and  not  on  ethnical  class- 
ification. The  standard  classification  used  by  the 
Turks  is  that  of  "Moslem"  and  ''non-Moslem" 
(My slim  and  Gair-i-Myslim).  Even  when  the  cen- 
sus has  been  taken  by  provinces,  the  statistics  are 
again  misleading,  because  entire  localities  failed  to 
register  in  order  to  avoid  military  conscription. 

The  nearest  estimate  of  the  number  of  people  of 
Albanian  race  is  between  three  and  three  and  a  half 
millions,  of  which  nearly  two  millions  inhabit  the 
Albania  of  the  London  Conference.^  Taking,  how- 
ever, into  account  the  ravages  of  the  recent  wars 
and  especially  the  losses  in  human  lives  resulting 
from  the  devastation  of  Southern  Albania  by  the 
Greeks  in  the  summer  of  1914,  it  will  be  nearer  the 
truth  to  say  that  Albania  has  now  a  population  of 
about  1,500,000,  while  the  rest  of  the  race  is  dis- 
persed throughout  the  territories  assigned  to  Serbia, 
Greece,  and  Montenegro  and  the  Albanian  colonies 
of  Italy,  Greece  and  elsewhere. 

1  Whitaker's  Almanack,   1918. 

186 


POPULATION— GHEG8  AND  TOSKS  187 

The  Albanian  people  is  divided  into  two  ethnical 
groups:  the  Ghegs,  in  the  North,  and  the  Tosks  (the 
Toskidi  of  Strabo),  in  the  South,  the  dividing  line 
being  the  river  Shkumbi.^ 

Some  very  fanciful  ideas  are  current  about  the 
importance  of  this  division.  A  number  of  writers 
on  Albanian  affairs  have  made  the  statement  that 
not  only  are  the  Ghegs  and  Tosks  unlike,  but  that 
the  members  of  the  two  groups  speak  entirely  differ- 
ent languages,  so  different  that  they  are  unable  to 
understand  each  other. 

The  main  differences  that  are  found  between  the 
two  groups,  however,  are  only  differences  of  dialects 
and  temperament. 

The  difference  in  the  spoken  dialects  is  to  be  found 
not  in  the  rules  of  grammar  and  construction  but  in 
the  pronunciation.  Both  Ghegs  and  Tosks  speak  the 
same  language,  with  the  exceptions  of  certain  pro- 
vincialisms, but  pronounce  it  with  some  differences. 
The  Gheg  speech  is  nasal,  full  of  inflections,  short- 
cut phrases  and  words,  with  an  accent  akin  to  Anglo- 
Saxon  speech,  whereas  the  Tosk  speech  is  plain, 
smooth,  and  more  or  less  colorless.  The  principal 
difference  would  seem  to  be  in  the  use  and  pronun- 
ciation of  a  peculiar  Albanian  sound,  ver\^  similar 
but  not  identical  with  the  letter  ''a"  as  it  is  pro- 
nounced in  the  English  words  fat,  sad,  lad  and  w^hich 
the  Ghegs  pronounce  at  times  as  in  the  English 
''father,"  at  times  as  in  fat  and  sad,  etc.,  and  wliich 
at  times  they  suppress  altogether,  while  the  Tosks 
pronounce  it  uniformly  as  in  tlie  words  fat  and  sad. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  this  sound  is  quite  frequent, 
perhaps  the  most  frequent  of  all ;  if  to  this  be  added 

1  See  above,  p.  4. 


188  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  varying  inflections  of  the  Gheg  speech,  it  will  be 
easily  seen  that  two  illiterate  representatives  of  the 
two  groups  cannot  find  it  very  easy  to  converse,  al- 
though the  difference  is  not  as  great  as  that  which 
separates  the  dialect  of  Naples  from  that  of  Rome, 
as  far  as  the  low  classes  are  concerned. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  the  two  dialects  meet  and  fuse 
into  each  other  in  the  localities  situated  on  both 
banks  of  the  River  Shkumbi,  producing  thus  the 
finest  specimen  of  Albanian  speech  which  all  Al- 
banians find  no  difiiculty  in  understanding. 

The  difference  in  temperament  consists  in  the 
rough  and  warlike  temper  of  the  Northerners 
(Ghegs),  as  contrasted  with  the  more  sober  and 
polished  temper  of  the  Southerners  (Tosks). 

Another  difference  between  the  two  groups  is  to 
be  found  in  their  physical  appearance.  The  Ghegs 
are  the  tallest  men  in  the  Balkans,  the  Cyclops  of 
Horner,^  while  the  Tosks  are,  as  a  rule,  with  many 
exceptions,  of  medium  stature. 

II.    NATIONAL    CHARACTEEISTICS 

In  a  seeming  consciousness  of  the  insidious  efforts 
of  his  numerous  enemies  to  undermine  his  reputa- 
tion abroad  by  the  circulation  of  wild  stories,  the 
Albanian,  not  the  educated  one,  but  the  man  of  the 
people,  retorts  by  the  epigram  "the  devil  is  not  as 
wicked  as  people  believe,  neitlaerj^  the  Albanian," 
which  is  reported  by  Von  Strahlheimb.- 

1  "Odyssey,"  I,  106-8.  It  is,  moreover,  very  striking;  to  compare 
the  word  "Gheg"  with  the  Greek  word  "gigas"  which  means  "giant." 
There  would  seem  to  be  little  doubt  that  the  two  words  are  identical. 

2  Balkan  Revue,  1914-1915,  p.  403.  The  saying  is  quoted  in  Al- 
banian as  follows:  "Dreqi  nuk  asht  aeh  i  keq  sa  kujton  njerezia,  as 
Shqypetari  jo." 


NATIONAL  CHARACTERISTICS  189 

The  opinion,  on  the  other  hand,  which  Lord  Byron 
formed  about  the  Albanian  or  Albanese,  as  he  calls 
him,  is  as  follows : 

"The  Arnaouts  ^  or  Albanese  struck  me  forci- 
bly by  their  resemblance  to  the  Highlanders  of 
Scotland,  in  dress,  figure,  and  manner  of  living. 
Their  mountains  seemed  Caledonian,  with  a  kinder 
climate.  The  kilt,  though  white;  the  spare,  active 
form;  their  dialect,  Celtic  in  its  sound;  and  their 
hardy  habits,  all  carried  me  back  to  Morven.  .  .  . 

''The  Albanese,  in  general,  have  a  fine  cast  of 
countenance;  and  the  most  beautiful  women  I  ever 
beheld,  in  stature  and  in  features,  we  saw  leveling 
the  road  broken  down  by  the  torrents  between 
Delvinachi  and  Libohova. "  - 

In  fact,  very  little  can  be  added,  in  regard  to  the 
national  characteristics  of  the  Albanian,  to  Byron's 
forceful  description  which  holds  good  even  to-day  in 
its  general  features.  The  much-talked-about  and  so- 
called  ''tribes"  of  Northern  Albania  amount  but  to 
the  similar  clan  organization  of  the  Scotch  people. 

Let  it  be  added  also  that  another  Briton,  Mr.  Wad- 
ham  Peacock,  was  also  forcibly  struck  by  the  Eng- 
lish-looking appearance  of  the  Mirdites,  with  their 
fine  blond  complexion.^ 

In  reviewing  the  historical  development  of  the  Al- 
banian people  we  noticed  the  existence  as  well  as  the 
rise  of  some  national  defects,  such  as  a  warlike  spirit 

1  Arnaout  is  the  Turkish  word  for  Albanian ;  it  seems  to  have  been 
taken  from  the  Greek  "Arvanites." 

2  Byron's  Notes  to  Canto  II,  Childe  Harold. 

His  story  of  his  two  Albanian  servants,  one  of  whom  was  a  Chris- 
tian and  the  other  a  Moslem,  is  not  only  amusinp:  but  very  instruc- 
tive with  regard  to  the  religicnis  feelings  of  tlie  AHmnians. 

3  "Albania,  the  Foundling  State  of  Europe,"  p.  199, 


190  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

— if  it  can  properly  be  held  to  be  a  defect,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  it  is  only  owing  to  the  existence  of  that 
spirit  that  Albania  has  not  disappeared  as  a  national- 
ity— and  nervousness  and  restlessness,  the  cause  of 
which  has  also  been  explained.^  In  general,  it  may 
be  said  that  whatever  deficiencies  are  discovered  in 
the  character  of  the  Albanian,  they  are  the  out- 
growth of  the  circumstances  through  which  he  has 
had  to  preserve  his  national  entity,  and  bear  the 
stamp  of  the  momentous  crises  he  has  had  to  go 
through  in  his  fight  for  life  and  liberty  during  the 
centuries  since  his  first  appearance  in  the  Balkan 
Peninsula. 

At  any  rate,  whatever  bad  habits  and  defects  he 

''may  have  contracted,  they  are  made  good  by  his 

well  known  sterling  qualities,  such  as  his  celebrated 

[loyalty  when  he  has  once  plighted  his  faith,  his  un- 

I tarnished  chivalry,  his  courage  and  bravery,  which 

is  sung  and  praised  in  the  popular  ballads  of  his 

neighbors,  his  practical  sense,  his  eager  appreciation 

of  progress  and  civilization,  and  his  ready  adaptabil- 

I  ity  to  it. 

^^  Countless  examples  may  be  given  as  illustrations 
of  these  high  qualities  of  the  Albanian.  A  few  only 
will  suffice. 

Von  Strahlheimb  relates  that  during  the  revolu- 
tion of  Dibra  against  the  Serbian  rule,  in  1913,  the 
rebels,  ignorant  and  deeply  exasperated  Albanian 
peasants,  captured  the  Serbian  garrison.  The  pris- 
oners were  treated  in  such  a  chivalrous  manner,  ac- 
cording to  the  confession  of  the  Serbian  commander 
himself,  that  this  Austrian  writer  offers  this  example 
for  imitation  to  the  European  belligerents  in  the 
great  war.^    And  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the 

1  See  above,  p.  38,  ?  Balkan  Revue,  1914-15,  p.  405, 


NATIONAL  CHARACTERISTICS  191 

Dibrans  had  revolted  on  account  of  the  cruel  treat- 
ment they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Serbi- 
ans. 

The  intelligence  of  the  Albanian  made  a  deep  im- 
pression on  the  French  officers  of  the  army  occupy- 
ing the  Ionian  Islands,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  when  they  taught  with  the 
greatest  facility  the  new  metric  system  to  the  Al- 
banian peasants.^ 

Pjjuqueyllle,  a  man  by  no  means  friendly  to  the 
Albanians,  wrote  thus  concerning  them,  a  hundred 
years  ago: 

r    '' Anything  which  is  exact  and  useful  is  singularly 
1  welcomed  by  these  people  who  hastened  to  adopt  vac- 
(  cination  (which  is  even  to-day  (1825)  forbidden  in 
\the  Papal  States),  and  who,  being  devoid  of  preju- 
dices, would  welcome   anything  likely  to  improve 
.their  condition. "  ^ 

These  innate  qualities  more  than  neutralize  the 
acq uired_  defects  which  have  always  been  so  ex- 
aggerated in  the  fanciful  tales  about  Albania.  The 
stories  about  the  '^ Albanian  brigands  ^^  are  stories, 
bj&cause  brigandage,  such  as  has  existed  in  the  Bal- 
kan s^^and^^es^eciallyjji^  Greece,  has  been  practically 
uiiknown  in  Albania. 

Yet,  if  by  '' Albanian  brigands"  are  meant  the 
border  raids,  such  raids  are  not  infrequent  through- 
out the  Balkans,  and,  taking  into  consideration  that 
the  Turkish  Government  allowed  the  Albanians  full 
liberty^  to  do  as  they  pleased  with  their  neighbors, 
the  raids  were  aJdnd  of  ^\^rfare.  Such  raids  were 
chronic  along  the  Greek-Turkish  border-line,  and  the 

1  F.  Gibert,  "Les  Pays  d'Albanie,"  p.  2.     See  also  p.  307. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  2. 


192  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

authorities  felt  that  it  was  their  duty  to  promote  this 
kind  of  retribution.  One  has  but  to  remember  the 
occurrences  in  Macedonia  during  the  last  decade,  the 
wholesale  massacres,  assassinations,  and  destruction 
of  private  property,  in  order  to  appreciate  this  point. 
A  number  of  writers  are  wont  to  forget  that  Al- 
bania is  a  Balkan  country  and  that  the  Balkans 
should  be  judged  byjhfiir  own  and  not  by  European 
standards. 

The  fables  of  the  Albanian's  disregard  of  the 
value  of  hjLiman  lif e  owe  their  origin  to  the  inability 
of  the  Porte  to  provide  safe-conHucts~Io  travelers 
and  tourists  intending  to  visit  the  interior  of  Al- 
bania, where  Turkish  authority  was  unknown.  One, 
however,  must  recognize  that  the  Porte  was  right 
in  doing  so,  because  persons  furnished  with  Turkish 
recommendations  were  usually  i^egar^ed^with  suspi- 
cion ancTmistrust  in  those  parts  of  the  country  which 
h"ad~15een  able  to  preserve  their  independence  only 
by  being  very  careful  in  regarrj^iinTurkish  emissaries 
and  agents.  Yet,  travelers  could  get  into  the 
regions  unconquered  by  the  Turks^_under_thepro- 
tectmjiJiii.lEe~" Bessa, ' '  the  plighted  faith  of  some 
AlBanian  who"wouTH  defend  them  even  as  against  the 
Sultan.  BaroiiJiopfisa  is,  therefore,  right  when  he 
states  that  ^ '  a^  travel  iiL_Albania  corresponds  to  a 
nocturnal  walk  in  the  suburbs  of  a  great  European 
city."  That  If  should  be  so,  despite  the  absence  of 
-arlysupervision  from  a  higher  authority,  is  to  the 
credit  of  the  Albanian. 

The  Bessa,  which  means  simply  "good  faith,"  is 
a  peculiar  institution  of  the  country.     It  survives  to- 
day^onljJn.Iiii£tharn_AJMBJ^-^Kh^ 
ernment  has  never  exercised  real  authority.    When 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS  193 

any  one,  whoever  he  may  be,  puts  himself  under  the 
protection  of  the  Bessa,  in  other  words,  is  allowed 
to  enter  the  country  on  good  faith  under  the  protec- 
tion of  an  individual  or  under  that  of  a  clan,  or 
what  is  still  more  sacred,  is  accompanied  by  a  woman, 
he  can  go  to  any  place  he  chooses  without  being  in- 
terfered with  in  any  way.  This  institution  may 
seem  a  primitive  one,  but  it  has  been  the  only  pos- 
sible substitute  for  the  lack  of  a  higher  governmental 
authority,  among  a  people  freed  from  any  general 
restraints  and  not  allowed  to  form  a  central  adminis- 
tration, as  has  been  the  case  of  the  Albanians  under 
the  Turkish  Government,  whose  authority  and  power 
have  sufficed  to  prohibit  the  establishment  of  a  cen- 
tral authorit}^  for  the  independent  clans. 

III.    SOCIAL    CONDITIONS 

Social  conditions  differ  somewhat  in  the  three 
regions  into  which  Albania  is  usually  divided.  It  is 
best  to  treat  each  region  separately. 

1.  Northern  Akbania. — As  has  already  been  said, 
Albania  is  the  only  country  in  the  Balkans  into  which 
feudalism  was  ijitroduced  during  the  Middle  Ages  by 
,tli^_Normans.  Its  lingering  TracesTnay  be  found  in 
the  social  conditions  of  the  people  of  a  part  of  North- 
ern Albania,  especially  among  the  Catholic  popula- 
tion. The  reason  why  it  has  survived  in  that  part  of 
the  country  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that,  in  the 
course  of  time,  feudalism  was  blended  with  the 
peculiar  clan  organization  of  the  people  of  this 
region. 

Its  existence  is  evidenced  by  the  aristocratic  gov- 
ernment which  is  in  full  sway  even  at  the  present 
time.     The  country  is  ruled  by  an  aristocratic  oli- 


194  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

garcliy  composed  of  the  representatives  of  the  lead- 
ing hereditary  families,  which  claim  the  right  of 
leadership  in  war.  The  most  important  of  these  is 
the  ruling  family  of  the  Dodas,  which  is  virtually  the 
reigning  dynasty  of  Mirdita.  We  have  already  seen 
the  part  played  by  the  governor  of  this  region  in  the 
activities  of  the  Albanian  League.  It  is  these  hered- 
itary families  that  the  Porte  used  constantly  to  play 
one  against  the  other,  in  order  to  keep  the  country  in 
subjection. 

As  a  counterpart  to  this  distasteful  relic  of  past 
times,  the  population  of  Northern  Albania  is  dis- 
tinguished for  its  high  ideals  of  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence as  well  as-pf -genuine  patriotism.  It  is  this 
handful  of  people  which  has  been  able  to  keep  the 
Turks  in  check,  as  a  result  of  epic  struggles.  In 
fact,  there  are  in  this  region  some  localities  which 
the  Turk  has  never  been  able  to  enter.  The  Moslem 
territories  of  Mati  andjjiuma,  and  the  Qatholic  dis- 
tricts of  Mirdita  arid  Kethella  were  averse  even  to 
the  appearance  onTTheir  borders  of  a  Turkish  soldier 
in  uniform,  and  many  a  time  these  Moslems  and 
Catholics  fought  jointly  against  the  Turks. 

The  Catholic  clergy  has  rendered  invaluable  serv- 
ices toward  keeping  alive  the  spirit  of  patriotism,^^ 
while  among  the  Moslems  national  traditions  have 
been  perpetuated  by  the  patrician  families.  The 
heroic  element  of  Albania  finds  its  stronghold  in 
this  part  of  the  country. 

The  city  of  Scutari,  the  population  of  which  is 
estimated  to  be  about  50,000  souls,  and  its  suburbs, 

11  Foremost  among  these  clergymen  is  Father  George  Fishta,  the 
most  original  poet  and. writer  not  only  of  Albania  but  of  all  the 
Balkan  Peninsula.  He  is  rightly  called  the  "Tyrtseus^of^^Albania," 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  is  more  than  that.  ■•'     ~ 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS  195 

are  not,  however,  included  in  the  description  of 
Northern  Albania,  as  they  are  more  modern  in  their 
social  organization. 

2.  Central  Albania. — Grenerally  speaking,  the 
people  of  this  region  enjoy  a  democratic  independ- 
ence, as  a  result  of  the  freehold  system  of  land 
ownership,  despite  the  fact  that  the  largest  landed 
estates,  the  principal  of  which  are  those  belonging 
to  the  Toptani  and  Vrioni  families,  are  situated  in 
this  region,  inasmuch  as  even  on  those  estates  the 
land  is  held  in  the  form  of  perpetual  leases,  the  right 
of  evictment  having  become  obsolete.  This  region 
is  one  of  country  squires,  forming  the  kernel  of  a 
robust  middle  class  of  landowners  and  cultivators. 
Moreover,  as  we  have  already  noticed,  the  exten- 
sive landed  estates  were  seized  by  the  peasantry 
during  the  insurrection  of  the  Summer  of  1914 
against  the  Government  of  the  Prince  of  Wied. 

The  serious  disadvantages  in  the  condition  of  the 
population  of  this  region  are  to  be  found  in  the  lack 
of  education  and  in  the  existence  of  a  number  of 
settlements  of  Bosnian  refugees  which  are  nests  of 
religious  fanaticism.  Early  in  the  rule  of  the 
Prince,  the  Government  of  Durazzo  seriously  in- 
tended to  expel  these  refugees  whom  the  Turkish 
Government  had  planted  among  the  Albanian  popu- 
lation for  obvious  reasons  of  state. 

3.  Southern  Albania. — Curiously  enough,  writ- 
ers on  Albania  have  paid  but  the  scantiest  attention 
to  this  portion  of  the  country,  which  is  the  most 
progressive,  the  most  educated  and  civilized,  and 
most  likely  to  exert  a  high  degree  of  moral  influence 
over  the  rest  of  the  Albanian  people.  If  it  be  true, 
as  some  are  wont  to  believe  and  say,  that  the  people 


196  ALBANIA.  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

of  Northern  and  Central  Albania  are  not  as  fully  de- 
veloped as  the  average  inhabitant  of  the  Balkans, 
the  people  of  Southern  Albania  stand  assuredly 
above  that  average.  With  all  the  political  harm  the 
foreign  schools,  Turkish  and  Greek,  have  done  to  the 
population,  it  must,  in  fairness,  be  recognized  that 
they  have  rendered  some  great  services  to  the  intel- 
lectual development  of  the  inhabitants.  The  fact 
that  these  Southerners  chose  to  attend  foreign 
schools  instead  of  remaining  in  ignorance  is  entirely 
to  their  credit,  for,  without  there  being  any  law  of 
compulsory  education,  the  parents  of  Southern  Al- 
bania, Christians  and  Moslems  alike,  have  sent  their 
children  to  these  schools  although  knowing  that  they 
were  maintained  by  foreign  propaganda.  The 
founders  of  the  splendid  educational  establishments 
of  the  city  of  Korcha  felt  it  to  be  their  duty  to  main- 
tain such  schools,  even  if  the  Greek  language  was  to 
be  taught  in  them,  after  they  had  in  vain  tried  to  get 
from  the  Turkish  Government  permission  to  open 
Albanian  schools,  and  it  was  not  their  fault  that  the 
trustees,  who  were  either  the  Greek  Patriarch  of 
Constantinople  or  the  Greek  Government,  employed 
those  beneficiary  funds  for  political  rather  than  edu- 
cational purposes. 

At  any  rate,  the  most  pronounced  democracy  of 
the  country  is  to  be  found  in  Southern  Albania.  It 
is  also  the  center  of  the  nationalistic  movement. 
Here  is  to  be  found  also  the  enlightened  hourgeoisie, 
merchants,  businessmen,  independent  freeholders 
and  landed  gentry,  as  well  as  the  class  which  will  be 
called  upon  to  govern  Albania. 

The  progressive,  and  thoroughly  European,  city 
of  Korcha,  and  the  towns  of  Valona,  Arghyrocastro, 


SOCIAL  CONDITIONS  197 

Fieri,  Permeti,  Erseka,  Tepelen,  Frasheri,  Liasko- 
viki  and  others  will  bear  comparison  with  any 
cit)^  and  town  of  their  class  in  the  Balkans.  The 
palatial  mansions  of  Korcha  are  not  to  be  found  ex- 
cept in  the  Balkan  capitals.  Many  of  these  man- 
sions have  been  erected  by  the  fortunes  acquired  by 
the  emigrants  of  Korcha  in  the  United  States,  Rou- 
mania,  and  Egypt. 

The  once  privileged  great  landowners  are  no 
longer  privileged ;  they  are  being  daily  displaced  in 
influence  and  prestige  by  the  middle  and  educated 
classes.  Nowhere  has  the  spirit  of  regeneration  and 
modernization  imbued  so  thoroughly  the  people  as  in 
the  region  which  has  had  to  combat  poverty  through 
sobriety.  Nowhere  have  the  nationalistic  efforts 
been  more  ardent  than  among  the  Christian  Albani- 
ans of  Korcha,  and  the  Moslems  of  Valona  and  Ar- 
ghyrocastro,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  city 
of  Scutari.  In  the  province  of  Korcha  there  is, 
moreover,  the  highly  interesting  little  town  of  Ka- 
tundi,  which  is  superior  to  any  other  city  or  town  in 
educational  accomplishments.  In  it,  the  efforts  of  a 
single  person,  an  ardent  nationalist,  have  succeeded 
in  spreading  national  education  not  only  among  the 
male  but  also  among  the  female  population,  with  the 
result  that  the  inhabitants,  all  of  whom  are  Chris- 
tians, are  able  to  read  and  write  their  national  lan- 
guage. Many  of  the  Beys  of  this  region  have  be- 
come, by  their  own  accord,  leaders  of  opinion  instead 
of  being  simply  leaders  of  men,  by  clandestinely 
maintaining  Albanian  schools  on  their  estates,  in  de- 
fiance of  the  Turkish  authorities. 

It  has  been  rightly  said  that  if  Southern  Albania 
were  to  be  cut  off  from  the  main  body  of  the  country. 


198  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

the  Albania  which  would  thus  be  constituted  would 
be  a  state  of  splendid  fighters,  which,  however,  would 
be  able  to  attain  the  high  ideals  of  a  free  common- 
wealth only  by  bringing  about  the  incorporation  of 
Southern  Albania  in  it.  This  is  undoubtedly  known 
to  those  who  have  tried  to  separate  the  southern 
region  from  the  rest  of  the  country. 

In  general,  the  Southerners  are  not  only  more 
fully  developed  and  progressive,  but  they  are  also 
endowed  by  nature  with  a  keener  intelligence  than 
their  co-nationals  of  the  center  and  the  north. 

IV.    THE    POSITION    OF    WOMEN 

A  very  characteristic  feature  of  the  Albanian 
community,  which  deserves  special  notice,  is  the  high 
position  the  Albanian  women  enjoy  in  the  consid- 
eration of  men. 

Nowhere  in  the  Balkans  is  woman  the  recipient 
of  so  much  respect  and  of  so  much  honor.  In  al- 
most all  modern  states  women  have  been  granted  a 
standing  in  private  law  by  legislative  action  only; 
the  Albanian  women  have  had  those  rights  from 
time  immemorial  by  the  force  of  the  customs  of  the 
nation.  As  daughter  of  the  family  she  enjoys  the 
right  of  holding  property,  being  under  paternal  au- 
thority only  during  the  period  of  her  minority.  As 
a  wife,  she  is  entitled  to  hold  property  in  her  own 
right  and  to  manage  it  according  to  her  wishes ;  her 
legal  standing  is  not  at  all  affected  by  marital  au- 
thority. As  a  widowed  mother  she  retains  the  guar- 
dianship of  her  minor  children  and  manages  their 
inheritance,  through  the  automatic  operation  of  the 
customary  law.  In  the  family  she  is  the  venerated 
matron  of  the  house,  and  her  jurisdiction  is  co-ex- 


TEE  POSITION  OF  WOMEN  199 

tensive  with  that  of  her  husband,  to  whom  she  is  an 
invaluable  helper  and  companion. 

The  family  organization  in  Albania  is  very  strong 
by  virtue  of  the  innate  affection  which  exists  among 
its  members.  Grand-parents  and  grand-children 
live  in  perfect  harmony  within  the  same  house  with- 
out any  legal  or  customary  constraint;  on  the  con- 
trary, the  children  are  free  to  withdraw,  if  they 
choose  to  do  so,  from  the  paternal  family,  at  their 
maturity.  Mothers-in-law  have  not  such  a  bad  rep- 
utation in  Albania  as  elsewhere. 

The  Albanian  women  are  renowned  for  their 
virtue,  as  they  are  for  their  beauty  and  charms. 
Immorality  is  practically  unknown  in  the  country, 
though  it  is  said  that  the  fair  and  robust  women  of 
the  mountain  districts  of  Scutari  are  inclined  to  be 
innocent  free-thinkers. 

Despite  the  introduction  of  Islamism,  polygamy 
has  never  taken  any  roots  among  the  Moslem  Al- 
banians, a  fact  which  is  in  itself  very  suggestive  and 
characteristic.  The  lax  rules  of  the  Sacred  Law  of 
Mohammedanism  in  regard  to  divorce  are  neutral- 
ized in  Albania  by  the  dictates  of  moral  law  and 
public  opinion.  The  low  percentage  of  divorces 
among  both  the  Christians  and  the  Moslems  is  un- 
doubtedly due  to  the  high  standard  of  morality  which 
is  current  throughout  the  country. 

We  have  already  noticed  that  the  company  of  a 
woman  in  traveling  in  the  hitherto  so-called  inac- 
cessible parts  of  Northern  Albania  affords  better 
protection  than  a  host  of  soldiers.  A  man  who 
would  injure,  offend  or  kill  a  woman,  or  any  member 
of  the  rest  of  the  company  under  her  protection,  is 


200  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

treated  as  the  vilest  coward,  and  there  is  no  possible 
expiation  for  his  crime.  Among  the  hardy  moun- 
taineers of  that  district  it  is  held  that  the  hand  of 
the  man  who  shot  a  woman  is  not  good  for  anything 
in  this  world.  The  rule  protecting  women  against 
intentional  injuries  is  so  stringent  throughout  the 
country  that  there  is  practically  no  record  of  any 
intentional  murder  of  a  woman. 

V.    THE    RELIGIOUS    QUESTION" 

On  the  religious  side,  the  Albanians  are  divided 
into  three  principal  and  two  secondary  groups. 
The  three  principal  groups  are  the  following: 

1.  Roman  Catholics,  forming  the  majority  of  the 
population  of  Northern  Albania. 

2.  Moslems,  with  strong  majorities  in  Central  and 
Southern  Albania,  and  in  the  minority  in  Northern 
Albania.  Eastern  Albania,  which  has  been  assigned 
to  Serbia,  is  inhabited  almost  exclusively  by  Moslem 
Albanians. 

3.  Orthodox  Greek  Catholics,  constituting  strong 
minorities  in  Southern  and  Central  Albania. 

The  numerical  strength  of  each  group  is  a  matter 
of  rough  guesswork,  owing  to  the  want  of  accurate 
statistics.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  Moslems 
are  in  incontestable  majority  over  the  Christians. 

The  existence  of  such  a  Moslem  majority  has 
perplexed  some  misinformed  friends  of  Albania  who 
have  always  asked  the  question :  ''Will  not  Albania 
be  a  Mohammedan,  and  in  consequence,  a  fanatical 
State,  a  'little  Turkey  in  the  Balkans'?"  And 
again:  "Will  not  this  crushing  Moslem  majority 
tyrannize  over  the  Christian  minority?"  The  ene- 
mies of  Albania,  on  the  other  hand,  have  made  use 


THE  RELIGIOUS  QUESTION  201 

of  this  fact  of  a  Moslem  majority  as  the  deadliest 
argument  against  the  principle  of  an  independent 
Albania.  By  the  force  of  circumstances,  a  Moslem 
generally  implies  a  Turk,  and  the  Turk  is  rightly 
considered  a  beast,  a  pitiless  persecutor  and  butcher 
of  Christians. 

Yet,  those  who  know  the  real  condition  of  the 
country  and  the  relations  existing  between  its  vari- 
ous religious  groups,  will  agree  with  us  that  the  re- 
ligious question  is  not  in  itself  of  great  importance, 
inasmuch  as  the  weakest  point  of  the  Albanian  is  his 
religion. 

The  truth  is  that  the  Albanian  is  not  fanatical; 
on  the  contrary,  it  may  be  said  that,  mi  fonds,  he  is 
indifferent  in  religious  matters.  Toleration  exists 
in  Albania  as  nowhere  in  the  Balkans  and  as  it  does 
not  exist  even  in  some  more  advanced  sections  of 
Europe. 

Tracing  historically  the  question  of  the  conversion 
of  the  majority  of  the  Albanian  people  to  Islamism, 
it  will  be  found  that  it  was  due  to  the  deliberate  de- 
sire of  trading  religion  for  freedom.  Following  the 
occupation  of  their  countrj^  by  the  fanatical  Asiatic 
hordes,  the  Albanians  found  themselves  facing  the 
dilemma  of  being  treated  as  subject  slaves  by  the 
Turks  or  becoming  equal  to,  and  allies  of,  their  con- 
querors by  renouncing  the  religion  which  caused 
them  to  be  treated  as  slaves.  They  chose  the  latter. 
This  is  emphasized  by  the  fact  that  conversions  of 
Albanians  took  place  after  every  unsuccessful  re- 
volt against  the  Turks,  when  their  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  the  latter  was  likely  to  be  harsher  and  more 
barbarous.  Conversions  continued  to  occur  even 
during  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century; 


203  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

whenever  life  became  intolerable  under  the  Turkish 
regime,  the  Albanians  found  a  way  of  escaping  their 
miserable  lot  by  an  outward  adoption  of  the  religion 
of  the  conqueror.  The  Albanian  is  too  zealous  in 
the  cause  of  liberty  and  independence  to  be  a  fanatic 
in  religion. 

But  though  he  became  a  Mohammedan,  he  never 
became  a  Turk,  whom  he  loathed  and  despised. 
Nothing  can  be  more  instructive  in  religious  matters 
than  a  comparison  of  the  attitude  of  the  Moslem 
Albanian  toward  his  Christian  brethren  with  that  of 
the  Greek  and  Bulgarian  renegades  toward  their 
own  Christian  brethren.  From  the  very  day  of 
their  conversion  to  Islamism,  the  Pomahs,  Moslem- 
ized  Bulgarians  of  the  region  of  Rhodope  Mountains, 
and  the  Islamized  Greeks  of  the  Island  of  Crete,  as- 
similated themselves  completely  with  the  Turks; 
and  from  that  day  to  the  present  they  have  con- 
sidered it  their  sacred  duty  to  either  forcibly  con- 
vert or  slaughter  their  former  co-religionists.  Even 
to  this  day  it  is  impossible  to  convince  a  Pomak  or 
a  Moslem  Cretan  that  once  he  was  a  Christian,  or 
that  nationality  is  not  identical  with  religion. 

In  striking  contrast  with  this,  the  Albanian  Mos- 
lem has  never  forgotten  his  nationality  or  considered 
himself  a  Turk,  even  for  a  single  moment;  nor  has 
he  forgotten  his  former  religion  to  some  of  the  saints 
of  which  he  still  pays  tribute,  such  as  St.  George, 
in  memory  of  George  Castriota  Scanderbeg,  and  to 
St.  Demeter.  Moreover,  he  has  always  protected  his 
weaker  brethren,  the  Christian  Albanians,  against 
the  brutalities  of  the  Turk.  It  is  a  remarkable  phe- 
nomenon that  no  religious  war  has  ever  taken  place 
in  Albania ;  nor  have  Albanians  ever  been  converted 


THE  RELIGIOUS  QUESTION  203 

to  Islamism  through  coercion  exercised  on  them  by- 
Moslem  Albanians.  Another  remarkable  phenome- 
non is  that  there  are  even  to-day  Albanian  families 
the  members  of  which  belong  to  different  beliefs, 
Christian  and  Moslem,  which  manage  to  get  along 
far  better  than  Catholics  and  Protestants  have  ever 
been  able  to  do  in  the  heart  of  civilized  Europe. 

Moreover,  in  Northern  Albania,  Moslem  clans  are 
ruled  over  by  Christian  hereditary  families,  and 
vice-versa.  During  the  short  reign  of  the  Christian 
Prince,  William  of  Wied,  his  most  loyal  subjects 
were  the  Moslem  Albanians  of  Northern  and  South- 
ern Albania  who  unsparingly  spent  their  blood 
against  the  rebels  of  Central  Albania  in  order  to 
keep  him  on  the  throne.  And  mark  this :  the  guard 
of  the  Palace  of  the  Prince  consisted  of  200  Moslems 
under  the  command  of  a  Christian  chief.  Is  there  a 
parallel  to  this  example  anywhere? 

In  the  course  of  the  history  of  Albania,  we  have 
seen  the  Moslem  Albanians  rise  against  the  Sul- 
tan time  after  time,  and  the  Christians  follow  their 
lead.  We  have  seen  the  Christian  Suliots  ally  them- 
selves with  Ali  Pasha  against  the  powerful  Beys, 
and  with  the  latter  against  the  former. 

That  there  is  some  animosity  among  the  various 
religious  groups  cannot  be  denied,  for  such  ani- 
mosity has  always  existed  between  diverse  beliefs. 
We  are  here  concerned  only  with  the  general  cur- 
rent of  religious  life.  The  opposition  which  exists 
between  the  members  of  the  various  faiths  is,  more- 
over, of  political  rather  than  religious  character;  it 
is  the  outcome  of  the  disturbance  of  the  state  of 
things  which  followed  the  change  in  political  pre- 
ponderance resulting  from  the  conversion  to  ^Moham- 


204  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

medanism  of  the  majority  of  the  Albanians.  This 
opposition  is  to  be  found  only  among  the  ignorant 
masses  which  are  wont  to  measure  the  harmful  ef- 
fects of  the  conversion  by  the  profits  accruing  to  the 
converts. 

If  a  more  conclusive  proof  of  the  religious  tolera- 
tion of  the  Albanians  is  wanted,  the  existence  of  the 
two  secondary  groups,  already  alluded  to,  will  sup- 
ply it. 

The  first  group  is  that  of  BeJdashis,  or  Reformed 
Moslems.  This  interesting  sect,  the  members  of 
which  include  the  larger  part  of  the  Moslem  popu- 
lation of  Albania,  constitutes  the  Protestant  element 
of  Islamism.  Its  rise  marks  a  liberal  reaction 
against  the  fanaticism  and  the  rigorous  rules  of  the 
faith  of  Mohammed.  The  Bektashis  are  free  think- 
ers and  skeptics  in  religious  matters ;  their  belief  is 
imbued  with  a  pure  humanitarian  philosophy,  and 
they  lead  a  life  of  religious  contemplation.  Their 
doctrines  are  mainly  borrowed  from  the  Stoics,  and 
they  have  cast  off  every  ritual  of  the  Moslem  faith. 
Many  Christian  Albanians  are  affiliated  with,  and 
initiated  in,  the  mysteries  of  this  sect. 

The  second  group  is  still  more  interesting.  There 
is  in  the  province  of  Elbasan,  Central  Albania,  as 
well  as  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  a  pseudo-Mos- 
lem group  of  people,  who  are  both  Christians  and 
Moslems  at  the  same  time.  During  the  Turkish 
domination,  they  had  two  sets  of  names.  Christian 
and  Moslem,  and  employed  both  corresponding  re- 
ligious rites.  Inwardly  they  were  Christians,  but 
outwardly  they  professed  to  be  Moslems.  This  pe- 
culiar religious  situation  was,  of  course,  due  to  the 
fear  of  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  Turks.    When 


ALBANIANS  IN  FOREIGN  LANDS  205 

Albania  regained  her  independence,  in  1912,  they 
openly  avowed  their  Christianity.  That  they  did  so 
in  the  presence  of  the  Moslem  majority  of  the  coun- 
try is  a  more  eloquent  proof  of  the  real  religious  con- 
dition of  Albania  than  any  argument  could  afford. 

VI.    ALBANIANS    IN    FOREIGN    LANDS 

By  the  force  of  circumstances  the  Albanians  saw 
the  necessity  jif  rnigrating  from  their  native  land 
to  foreign  cOunrries  where  they  founded  a  number 
of  notable  colonial  settlements  which  retain  their 
original  character  to  the  present  day.  The  most 
important  of  these  colonies  are  those  in  Greece  and 
Italj^ 

'"  'The  Albanians  in  Greece. — IIow  the  Albanian 
colonies  of  Greece  came  to  be  formed  has  already 
been  explained  in  the  historical  section  of  this  book 
when  dealing  with  the  Albanian  migratory  move- 
ment during  the  fourteenth  century,^  and  little 
needs  to  be  added  to  what  was  stated  there. 

There  are  no  recent  statistics  showing  the  exact 
size  of  the  Albanian  population  of  Greece,  because 
the  Greek  Government  ^.does  not  ^differentiate  the 
Albanians  from  the  rest  of  tlre~people,  but  Dr.  TTahn 
estimated  inj.854^that  there  were  200,000  out  of  a 
total  of  one  million  inhabitants,  and  no  changes  have 
occurred  in  the  meantime  to  alter  their  position. 
They  still  retain  their  national  characteristics,  lan- 
guage, customs  and  traditions ;  but  their  sense  of  na- 
tionality has  been  considerably  dimmed  in  the  course 
of  time,  although  they  differentiate  themselves  from 
the  Greeks,  whom  they  call,  curiously  enough, 
''Shkleh,"  i.  e.,  Scythians  or  Slavs. 

1  See  above,  pp.  24-25, 


206  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  only  national  Albanian  figure  they  have  pro- 
duced in  recent  times  is  Anastas  Kullurioti,  a  native 
of  the  island  ^ifLSalamiS).  whose  efforts  have  greatly 
contributed  to  the  intellectual  awakening  of  Albania. 

They  have,  however,  given  a  considerable~iramber 
of  prominent  leaders  and  statesmen  to  modern 
Greece.  M.  Emm.  ^^mdis,  the  able  Minister  of  the 
Interior  in  the  Cabinet  of  M.  Venizelos,  is  their  most 
eminent  man  at  the  present  time.  The  Greek  Navy 
is,  on  the  other  hand,  largely^  made  up  of  the  re- 
nowned seamen  of  the^'Albanian  Islands,  Hydra, 
^^piisi,  Pgros,  Salami s^nd  others^who  use~  their 
native  language  even  aboard  the  warships,  as  the 
population  of  the  suburbs  uses  it  in  the  streets  of 
Athens.  The  same  may  be  said  also  in  regard  to  the 
Greek  army.  The  commanders,  both  of  the  sea  and 
land  forces,  have  repeatedly  issued  rigorous  orders 
against  the  use  of  the  Albanian  language  by  their 
men.^ 

1  The  monthly  magazine,  Parnassos,  of  Athens,  of  February,  1916, 
makes  the  following  interesting  statement  in  connection  with  the 
mobilization  of  the  Greek  army  in  that  month : 

"Among  the  other  disorders  that  are  to  be  seen  in  our  army,  we 
noticed  one  of  the  most  shocking  which  ought  to  have  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  High  Command  of  our  military  forces.  The  ma- 
jority of  our  soldiers  speak  to  one  another  in  the  Albanian  language 
in  such  a  way  that  the  listener  may  imagine  himself  in  the  presence 
of  soldiers  of  the  King  of  Albania  (the  Prince  of  Wied),  and  not  of 
the  King  of  Greece,  Constantine.  This  is  a  very  deplorable  habit 
which  has  furnished  many  arguments  to  our  enemies  who  calumniate 
us  by  saying  that  our  race  is  not  homogeneous.  It  is,  therefore, 
necessary  that  this  habit  be  destroyed  by  all  necessary  and  vigorous 
means. 

"The  Commander  of  the  1st  Infantry  Regiment,  Colonel  Kurevelis, 
who  is  an  accomplished  soldier  and  perfectly  understands  the 
kind  of  education  the  Greek  soldier  should  have,  has  punished  very 
severely  a  great  number  of  soldiers  because  of  their  vising  the  Al- 
banian language,  but  this  is  a  thing  that  should  not  be  done  only 
by  the  Commander  of  a  single  regiment;  on  the  contrary,  all  the 
commanders  should  unite  their  efforts  and  take  the  most  effective 
measures  for  the  suppression  of  this  discordant  note  in  our  army." 


ALBANIANS  IN  FOREIGN  LANDS  207 

The  presence  of  these  men  in  the  service  of  the 
Greek  State  has  been  very  dexterously  utilized  by 
the  Government  of  Athens  in  support  of  its  claims 
relative  to  Southern  Albania.  In  all  probability, 
one  of  the  principal  reasons  why  the  politicians  of 
Greece  have  attacked  with  such  rage  the  idea  of  an 
independent  Albania  is  the  fear  that  the  Albanians 
of  Greece  may  sooner  or  later  awaken  to  the  realiza- 
tion of  their  nationality,  a  contingency  which  fore- 
bodes trouble  for  the  Greek  state. 

The  Albanians  of  Italy. — The  next  important 
colonial  settlement  is  that  of  the  Albanians  in  South- 
ern Italy,  mainly  in  the  provinces  of  Calabria  and 
Apulia,  and  in  Sicily. 

According  to  the  census^f  1901,  as  reported  by 
Barbarich,  there  are  S08,410  Albanians  in  Italy. 
As  usual,  they  retain  unaltered  their  language, 
which  is  richer  in  vocabulary  than  that  spoken  in 
Albania,  their  national  characteristics,  customs  and 
traditions.  "\^hat_j,s__inore,  the  proximity  of  their 
cherished  motherland  has  kept  alive  among  them 
the  sense  of  Albanian  nationality  to  a  remarkable 
degree.  In  justice  to  the  Government  of  Rome,  it 
must  in  fairness  be  said  that  the  latter  feature  owes 
much  to  the  liberal  policy  of  Italy. 

The  presence  of  the  Albanian  colonies  in  Italy 
dates  from  the  fifteenth  century;  the  migratory 
movement  took  place  immediately  after  the  death  of 
Scandorbeg  and  the  occupation  of  Albania  by  the 
Turks.  Almost  all  the  prominent  families  of  Al- 
bania moved  to  Italy,  where  they  were  welcomed  by 
the  grateful  king  of  Naple_s,  to  whose  crown  Sciuir 
derbeg  had  rendered  great  services.^ 

1  See  above,  p.  33. 


208  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

// 

//  These  Albanians,  too,  have  given  a  number  of 
/^  prominent  men  to  their  adopted  country,  of  whom 
the  most  eminent  was  Francesco  Crispi,  twice  Pre- 
mier of  Italy.  On  the  other  hand,  they  have  con- 
tributed to  their  own  nation  a  generous  number  of 
men  of  letters  and  cultivators  of  the  national  lan- 
guage, such  as  the  late  Girolamo  da  Kada,  a  prolific 
and  studious  writer  on  Albanian  literature;  De- 
metrio  Camarda,  Anselmo  Lorecchio,  able  writer  and 
publisher,  and  many  others. 

Of  the  living  writers  who  honor  the  Albanian 
name  in  Italy,  we  should  mention,  besides  Anselmo 
Lorecchio,  editor  of  the  monthly  La  Na^innp.  ^- 
baiies£,  the  jdistingxiished  poet  and  writer,  Prof. 
Giuseppe  Schifo,  whose  writings  are  masterpieces 
^  of  Albanian  literature. 

I  In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  in  the  early  stages 
/of  the  development  of  Albanian  literature  the  place 
/o^onor  belongs  to  the  Albanians  of  Italy. 

On  Easter  day  of  every  year,  the  Albanians  of 
Italy  hold  a  solemn  ceremony,  accompanied  by  the 
so-called  ' '  dance  ^LLScanderbeg, ' '  in  commemoration 
of  the  bon^i"1[hat  unite  them  to  their  motherland 
across  the  Adriatic. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  at  this  point  that  the  Al- 
banians, both  of  Italy  and  Greece,  are  known  among 
themselves  as  ''Arbresh,"  the  generic  namejn  lieu 
of  the  more  restricted  appellation  ''Albanian"  or 
* '  Shkypetar, "  as  the  natives  of  Albania  proper  call 
themselves.  The  colonists  call  their  motherland 
''Arberia"  or  ' LAj:beiiia, "  the  name  ''Albania"  and 
"Shkypnia"  not  being  in  use  among  them.  It  is  a 
very  difficult  matter  to  decide  why  these  terms  are 
current. 


ALBANIANS  IN  FOREIGN  LANDS  209 

Albanians  in  montenegro. — The  number  of  the 
Albanians  living  in  Montenegro  is  considerable,  but 
no  available  statistics  are  to  be  had.  Their  presence 
dates  mainly  from  the  year  1879,  when  the  Powers 
forcibly  assigned  to  Montenegro  the  provinces  of 
Dulcigno  and  Antivari,  in  exchange  for  Gussigne- 
Plava.^  Moreover,  the  Conference  of  Ambassa- 
dors assigned  in  1913  approximately  150,000  Al- 
banians to  the  dominion  of  King  Nicholas.  The 
armed  resistance  of  the  majority  of  them,  however, 
nullified  this  decision  of  the  Powers.^ 

The  interesting  feature  in  regard  to  the  Albanians 
who  were  incorporated  in  Montenegro  in  1879,  is 
that  they  have  remained  Albanians  in  all  respects. 
When  Czar  Nicholas  of  Russia  advised  the  King 
of  Montenegro,  in  1913,  to  desist  from  his  project 
of  occupying  Scutari,  the  Emperor  argued  that  it 
was  in  the  interest  of  Montenegro  not  to  have  any 
more  Albanians,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  she  has 
been  unable  to  assimilate  even  those  who  were  as- 
signed to  her  in  1879. 

It  need  not  be  again  repeated  here  that  in  Serbia 
there  are  nearly  a  million  Albanians  who  were  in- 
corporated in  the  Serbian  Kingdom  in  1912,  and 
who  have  ever  since  been  in  a  state  of  rebellion 
against  the  foreign  rule.^ 

Minor  Albanian  Colonies. — Besides  the  above 
mentioned  compact  Albanian  colonies,  there  are  also 
a  number  of  lesser  colonial  settlements  in  various 
countries.  One  of  them  is  the  small  colony  of  Zara, 
Istria,  which  was  founded  in  1478  by  a  part  of  the 

1  See  above,  pp.  51-53. 

2  See  above,  p.  93. 

3  See  above,  pp.  93-94. 


210  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

garrison  of  Scutari,  after  the  fall  of  the  latter.^ 
This  colony  sent  a  delegate  to  Durazzo,  in  1914,  to 
convey  to  the  Prince  its  sentiments  of  loyalty  to 
Albania. 

There  are  several  thriving  business  colonies  in 
Egypt,  Roumania,  Bulgaria  and  elsewhere.  In 
Thrace  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Constantinople 
there  are  a  number  of  typical  Albanian  villages,  scat- 
tered throughout  the  territory  and  unconnected  with 
each  other. 

In  the  province  of  Odessa,  South  Russia,  there  are 
a  number  of  settlements  made  by  Albanian  soldiers 
in  the  employ  of  the  Russian  Government  to  whom 
crown  lands  were  given  as  a  compensation  for  their 
services. 

A  highly  important  colony  is  that  in  the  United 
States,  which  may  better  be  described  in  the  follow- 
ing chapter. 

REFERENCES 

Barbarich,  Eug.,  Albania,  pp.  131-154. 

Brailsford,  H.  N.,  Macedonia,  Its  Races  and  Their  Future,  Methuen, 

London,  1906,  pp.  221-228,  235-262. 
Ghica,  Prince  Alb.,  L'Albanie  et  la  Question  d'Orient,  pp.  163-187 

(pp.   176-187  contain  statistics  of  Albanians  in  the  vilayets  of 

Monastir  and  Salonica). 
Jaray,    Gabriel,    Louis,   L'Albanie   independante,    R^vue    de    Paris, 

21i&me  ann^e.  Vol.  3,  1914,  pp.  211-219. 
PiNON,  RfiNfi,  L'Europe  et  la  Jeune  Turquie,  Paris,  1911,  Ch.  VI. 

1  F.  Gibert,  "Les  Pays  d'Albanie,"  p.  247. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
THE  GROWTH  OF  NATIONALISM 

I.    THE   INITIAL   STEPS 

In  sketching  in  the  first  part  of  this  book  the 
formation  and  the  activities  of  the  Albanian  League 
it  was  stated  that  the  year  1878  marked  the  begin- 
ning of  Albanian  nationalism. 

In  the  hope  of  circumventing  the  decision  of 
the  representatives  of  the  Great  Powers  assembled 
in  the  Congress  of  Berlin  relative  to  the  evacuation 
of  the  territories  assigned  to  Montenegro  and 
Greece,  the  Sublime  Porte  took  the  momentous 
step  of  adopting  the  dangerous  principle  of  nation- 
alities, for  the  first  and  last  time.  Instead  of  com- 
plying with  the  stipulations  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin, 
which  it  had  signed,  the  Turkish  Government  sought 
to  exploit  the  discontent  which  was  manifested 
among  the  Albanians  as  a  result  of  the  decision  of 
the  Powers  to  hand  over  Albanian  territories  to 
Montenegro  and  Greece.  The  discontent  and  agita- 
tion were  undoubtedly  genuine  and  quite  in  line  with 
the  essential  unity  of  the  Albanians.  What  the 
Porte  did  was  to  arouse  the  indignation  of  the  Al- 
banian people  against  the  Powers,  by  allowing  them, 
at  the  same  time,  a  degree  of  freedom  of  action  as  an 
individual  nationality  which  Turkey  was  later  to 
regret  very  deeply. 

211 


213  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

In  pursuance  of  its  policy,  the  Government  of  the 
Sultan  permitted  the  Albanians  to  protest  separately 
to  the  Congress  of  Berlin  against  the  cession  of 
any  Albanian  territory  to  their  neighbors,  and,  when 
it  saw  that  the  protest  was  brushed  aside  without 
being  given  any  consideration,  the  Porte  encouraged, 
and  even  instigated,  the  attempt  of  the  Albanians  to 
substantiate  their  protest.  On  the  first  of  July, 
1879,  delegates  from  the  various  provinces  of  Al- 
bania assembled  at  Prisrend  to  form  the  celebrated 
*' League  for  the  Defense  of  the  Rights  of  the  Al- 
banian Nationality.' '  The  League  thus  constituted 
was  the  first  national  Albanian  organization  in  mod- 
ern times,  and  it  is  impossible  to  minimize  its  im- 
portance. The  management  of  Albanian  affairs  was 
presently  taken  over  by  the  League,  which  succeeded 
even  in  establishing  Albanian  authorities  in  North- 
ern Albania.  In  the  course  of  its  activities,  this 
national  organization  issued  a  series  of  proclama- 
tions which  were  addressed  to  the  Albanians  only  as 
an  individual  nationality.  They  were  a  bugle  call 
for  the  nation. 

The  meeting  of  the  delegates  at  Prisrend  and  the 
measures  they  took  for  the  preservation  of  the  ter- 
ritorial integrity  of  Albania,  which  were  spread 
broadcast  for  the  information  of  the  people,  consti- 
tuted the  first  spark  which  electrified  the  nation. 

The  successes  of  the  armed  forces  of  the  League, 
which  have  been  referred  to  in  a  preceding  chapter, 
against  the  Montenegrins  and  a  little  later  against 
the  combined  forces  of  Mukhtar  Pasha  and  of  the 
Prince  of  Montenegro,  thrilled  the  Albanians  whose 
enthusiasm  was  intensified  by  the  heroism  of  the 
small  garrison  of  Dulcigno,  which  -v^dthstood  even  the 


THE  INITIAL  STEPS  213 

bombardment  of  the  warships  of  the  great  European 
Powers. 

How  dangerous,  for  the  Porte,  was  the  resentment 
of  the  Albanians  against  the  Turkish  Government 
and  the  Powers  on  account  of  their  action  in  assign- 
ing Albanian  territories  to  their  neighbors  was 
ominously  demonstrated  in  the  treatment  of  Mehmed 
Ali  Pasha,  one  of  the  representatives  of  Turkey  at 
the  Congress  of  Berlin.  The  said  Pasha  arrived  at 
Djakova  to  witness  the  evacuation  of  the  Albanian 
territories ;  angry  Albanian  mobs  massacred  the  un- 
lucky Mehmed  Ali  Pasha  and  the  soldiers  who  ac- 
companied him. 

Then  followed,  as  has  already  been  said,  a  clash 
between  the  forces  of  the  League  and  the  troops  of 
the  Sultan  that  came  to  reclaim  the  districts  which 
were  under  the  authority  of  the  League,  the  battles 
with  the  army  of  Dervish  Pasha,  and  the  eventual 
sanguinary  suppression  of  the  League. 

All  these  events  could  but  have  the  most  mo- 
mentous effects  in  awakening  the  dormant  national 
spirit  and  in  exerting  a  powerful  influence  on  the 
overexcited  imagination  of  the  people.  In  fact,  the 
struggles  which  characterized  the  stern  suppression 
of  the  League  made  a  deeper  impression  than  the 
successes  which  had  been  won  by  it. 

Moreover,  to  these  thrilling  national  emotions  was 
added  another  important  factor.  Hitherto,  the  use 
of  the  Albanian  language  had  been  rigorously  pro- 
hibited. Apart  from  a  few  religious  books  pub- 
lished now  and  then  by  the  Catholic  clerg\^  of  North- 
ern Albania  and  a  translation  of  the  Bible  made  un- 
der the  auspices  of  the  British  Biblical  Society  for 
the  use  of  the  Orthodox  Albanians  but  which  could 


214  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

not  be  read  without  danger,  no  other  books  had 
been  published  in  the  Albanian  language  during  the 
long  Turkish  domination.  The  Moslems  had  to  send 
their  children  to  the  wretched  Turkish  schools  which 
were  in  charge  of  stupid  instructors.  The  Orthodox 
Albanians  were  forced  to  send  theirs  to  the  Greek 
schools  which  were  maintained  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Greek  Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  Albanian 
schools  could  not  be  had  at  any  price. 

But  with  the  formation  of  the  League,  the  Sublime 
Porte  was  prevailed  upon  to  allow  the  opening  of 
Albanian  schools  and  the  use  of  the  Albanian  lan- 
guage in  writing. 

The  result  of  the  lifting  of  the  prohibition  was  the 
opening  by  private  contributions  of  a  number  of  Al- 
banian schools  which  marked  a  revolution  in  the 
conception  of  religious  matters.  The  new  national 
schools  were  attended  by  both  Christian  and  Moslem 
children  sitting  side  by  side!  Their  teaching  staff 
was  also  as  mixed  as  their  student  bodies. 

Simultaneously,  there  began  the  publication  of  a 
series  of  school  books  and  newspapers  in  the  native 
language.  The  first  school  book  was  a  "Spelling 
Book,"  which  appeared  at  Constantinople,  in  1879, 
under  the  patronage  of  the  celebrated  Albanian  pa- 
triots, Sami  Bey  Frasheri,  a  Moslem,  John  Vreto,  a 
''Greek"  Orthodox,  both  natives  of  Southern  Al- 
bania, and  Wassa  Pasha,  a  Catholic,  the  latter  being 
a  high  dignitary  of  the  Turkish  Government,  and 
also  a  distinguished  national  poet.  At  the  same 
time,  there  was  founded  at  Constantinople  the  ^'So- 
ciety for  the  Publication  of  Albanian  Books/'  This 
was  the  beginning  of  Albanian  national  education, 
and  it  was  soon  followed  by  a  period  of  lively  activity 


THE  INITIAL  STEPS  215 

in  the  publication  of  more  substantial  books,  such 
as  manuals  of  history,  physical  science.  Readers 
and  poetry  for  the  use  of  the  schools,  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  was  a  treatise  of  General  History 
by  Sami  Bey  Frasheri.  But  the  book  which  at- 
tracted the  widest  attention  and  had  the  greatest 
circulation  was  a  small  treatise,  written  by  the  same 
writer,  under  the  caption  "Albania,  Her  Past,  Her 
Present,  Her  Future."  This  little  book,  wiiich  is 
not  of  any  great  literary  value,  has  been  translated 
into  Turkish,  Greek  and  German,^  and  has  been  con- 
sidered for  a  long  time  as  the  Bible  of  the  Albanian 
patriot.  The  fact  that  it  was  written  by  a  Moslem 
Bey  recommended  it  instantly  to  every  Albanian, 
without  distinction  of  creed.  On  the  other  hand,  his 
brother,  Naim  Bey  Frasheri,  devoted  his  time  to 
writing  patriotic  poems,  which  so  inflamed  the 
imagination  of  the  people  that  early  in  1879  a  revo- 
lutionary outbreak  took  place  at  Frasheri  against 
the  Turks,  an  outbreak  wholly  due  to  the  influence  of 
his  poems. 

Very  soon,  however,  reaction  set  in.  The  Turkish 
Government  and  the  Greek  Patriarch  felt  very  un- 
easy in  view  of  the  progress  of  popular  Albanian 
education,  for  it  was  seen  that  the  two  religious 
groups.  Christian  and  Moslem,  which  each  of  them 
was  trying  to  keep  apart,  were  now  being  cemented 
into  one  national  body  through  the  influence  of  the 
schools  and  books.  Consequently,  in  1886,  the  Al- 
banian schools  were  closed  by  order  of  Sultan  Abdul 
Hamid  II,  and  publications  in  the  Albanian  language 
were  suppressed.     A  supplementary  decree  was  is- 

1  Fraschery,  Ch.  Samy,  Was  war  Albanicn,  was  ist  I'S,  was  wird 
es  werdon,  Vienna,  1913. 


216  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

sued  by  the  Greek  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  by 
which  Orthodox  Albanians  were  threatened  with  ex- 
communication in  case  they  used  the  ** accursed"  Al- 
banian language  in  the  schools  and  churches. 

The  Albanian  movement  was  apparently  nipped  in 
the  bud. 

II.    IN    FOREIGN    COUNTPJES 

But  the  movement  was  not  killed.  Nothing  could 
be  done,  of  course,  in  Albania  in  the  face  of  the 
rigorous  measures  which  the  Turkish  authorities 
adopted  in  their  determination  to  extirpate  even  the 
tender  roots  of  the  national  propaganda.  But  once 
the  wheel  was  set  in  motion  it  could  not  be  easily 
stopped.  One  phase  of  the  development  of  the  Al- 
banian literature,  which  is  too  closely  connected  with 
the  idea  of  nationalism  to  be  separated  from  it,  was 
brought  to  an  end  in  order  to  make  place  for  another 
one  which  was  destined  to  immortalize  the  untiring 
efforts  of  the  Albanian  patriots. 

The  literary  movement  was  presently  transferred 
to  foreign  lands.  Roumania,  Bulgaria,  Egypt,  and 
in  more  recent  times  the  United  States,  offered  their 
generous  hospitality  to  the  Albanian  publishers  and 
national  workers.  In  each  of  these  states  national 
societies  were  founded  with  a  mixed  political-na- 
tional-literary program,  publishing  companies  were 
established,  and  the  publication  of  books  and  news- 
papers was  carried  on  with  great  enthusiasm. 
Thanks  to  the  clandestine  assistance  of  Moslem  Al- 
banians in  the  employ  of  the  Turkish  Government, 
the  literary  products  of  the  exiled  publishers  and 
writers  were  smuggled  into  Albania  without  serious 
inconvenience,  except  for  severe  penalties  inflicted 


IN  FOREIGN  COUNTRIES  217 

on  smugglers  and  their  accessories,  in  case  of  detec- 
tion. Usually,  the  writers  resided  in  Turkey  or 
Albania  and  had  their  books  and  articles  published 
abroad  under  fictitious  names. 

From  the  year_1880^:to_1908,  there  were  published 
in  foreign  countries  upward  Qljj}jxty_d ^ ffp r pjit  pe- 
riodicals  and  newspapers,  besides  a  great  number 
of  books. 

The  more  important  of  these  are  divided  as  fol- 
lows: 

Bulgaria  . ., 7  Belgium    3 

Egypt   I. . . .  4  Greece 1 

Austria  1  Koumania 4 

Italy    7  United  States  ....   1 

Out  of  the  seven  published  in  Italy,  five  or  six  were 
published  by  native  Albanians  of  Italy,  so  that  it 
would  appear  that  so  far  no  encouragement  was 
being  given  to  the  national  movement  by  any  Power. 
Unlike  the  other  nationalities  of  the  Balkan  Penin- 
sula, the  Albanians  have  had  no  European  Capital 
to  support  in  their  endeavors;  nor  have  they  had 
any  financial  assistance  from  any  Power.  It  is  uni- 
versally known  that  the  protectors  of  the  other  Bal- 
kan peoples  have  spent  millions  in  order  to  make 
them  figure  as  separate  nationalities  and  later  as 
States.  Russia  had  subsidized  the  Greek  national 
movement  ever  since  the  reign  of  Catherine  II;  later 
on,  she  turned  her  attention  to  the  Slav  peoples  of 
the  Balkans.  Instead  of  seeking  the  assistance  of 
either  Austria  or  Italy,  the  Powers  which  later 
capitalized  the  protection  of  nascent  Albania,  the 
Albanians  looked  with  the  deepest  mistrust  on  these 


218  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Powers.  There  was  a  saying  among  them  that  ''the 
man  who  goes  to  Austria  must  be  one  without  honor 
or  dignity."  This  is  true,  of  course,  as  far  as  the 
nationalists  were  concerned,  for  it  was  known  that 
certain  influential  men  were  drawing  generous  sub- 
sidies from  Vienna,  and  it  was  this  that  gave  rise 
to  the  saying. 

Another  important  illustration  of  the  spirit  of  the 
Albanian  nationalists  is  afforded  by  the  table  of 
publications  given  above.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
greater  number  of  publications  had  their  headquar- 
ters in  those  of  the  Balkan  States  which  were  re- 
puted to  be  "neutral"  towards  Albania,  such  as 
Bulgaria  and  Roumania.  The  one  that  was  issued 
in  Greece  was  soon  discredited,  because  it  transpired 
that  it  was  being  published  with  the  authorization  of 
the  Greek  Government,  and  ''authorization"  was 
taken  to  mean  more  than  a  mere  "permission."  It 
was  a  patent  fact  that  Serbia,  Greece,  and  Monte- 
negro were  openly  hostile  to  the  Albanian  movement, 
and  such  publications  as  made  their  appearance  in 
any  of  these  countries  were  immediately  boycotted. 

Very  little  is  known  in  the  outside  world  about 
the  activities  and  remarkable  achievements  of  the 
national  societies.  The  fact  that  the  work  was  being 
done  in  foreign  countries  prevented  even  those  who 
professed  to  be  familiar  with  Albanian  affairs  from 
getting  an  inside  view  of  the  progress,  at  any  rate 
not  until  very  recently.  The  main  work  for  the  re- 
generation of  the  Albanian  people  was  done  in  si- 
lence and  without  advertising.  Without  funds  or 
any  protection  from  any  great  Power,  the  national 
worker  of  the  Albanian  cause,  who  was  in  the  ma- 
jority of  cases  a  plain  man  of  the  people,  with  no 


/2V^  FOREIGN  COUNTRIES  219 

education  corresponding  to  his  liigli  mission,  has 
done  what  foreigners  had  declared  to  be  impossible 
under  the  circumstances:  he  has  attained  his  goal 
of  arousing  a  genuine  sense  of  patriotism  in  the 
liearts  of  thousands  of  ignorant  and  uneducated  peo- 
ple though  personally  separated  from  them  by  long 
distances,  and  in  the  face  of  the  combined  efforts  of 
the  Sultan  and  of  the  Greek  Patriarch  to  keep  the 
people  ignorant  and  disunited.  No  doubt,  not  all  the 
Albanian  masses  could  be  easily  made  to  absorb  tlie 
new  spirit,  because  that  is  impossible  in  any  nation. 

With  the  scanty  means  at  his  disposal,  the  Al- 
banian nationalist  has  succeeded,  moreover,  in  level- 
ing the  religious  barriers  which  foreign  propa- 
ganda had  raised  up.  Among  the  nationalist  legions 
there  is  no  religious  question  at  all,  and  search  as 
you  may,  it  will  be  impossible  to  find  in  the  Balkans, 
and  even  in  some  countries  situated  in  the  heart  of 
Europe,  more  liberal  men  than  among  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  Albanian  nationalists,  among  whom  there 
is  but  one  ideal :  liberty  and  independence.  IVloham- 
medans  and  Christians,  Catholics  and  Orthodox  have 
but  one  object :  the  subordination  of  every  other  con- 
sideration to  the  principle  of  a  free,  progressive,  and 
liberal  Albania.  You  will  find  among  them  artisans 
and  mechanics — to  use  the  expression  of  Aristotle — 
and  plain  factory  workers  and  land  cultivators  who 
would  discuss  religious  matters  as  dispassionately 
as  the  most  positivist  philosoplier. 

Ainong  the  Albanian  masses  the  national  language 
was  a  meager  instrument  of  conversation,  adulter- 
ated with  a  medley  of  foreign  words.  The  Albanian 
nationalist  has  laboriously  set  to  work  to  enrich  the 
vocabulary  by  reclaiming  the  words  which  had  fallen 


220  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

into  desuetude  in  the  course  of  time.  Tiiis  he  did 
through  the  method  Martin  Luther  had  employed 
four  centuries  earlier  for  the  development  of  the 
German  language  so  that  he  might  be  able  to  trans- 
late the  Scriptures  into  the  vernacular,  i.e.,  by  going 
among  the  people,  and  especially  among  the  women, 
and  digging  up  the  native  words  which  had  been  re- 
placed by  foreign  ones  in  the  commonly  spoken 
tongue.  From  the  raw  elements  of  an  unliterary 
language,  the  nationalist  has  constructed  a  fluent, 
polished,  and  lively  language  which  is  now  capable  of 
expressing  much  higher  thoughts.  He  has  trans- 
lated the  Bible  and  many  religious  books  of  the  Mo- 
hammedan religion,  with  the  close  cooperation  of 
Christian  and  Moslem  writers  who  would  indiscrimi- 
nately take  part  in  the  translation  of  both  sets  of 
books,  something  that  surpasses  the  imagination. 
He  has,  moreover,  built  on  the  new  linguistic  ele- 
ments a  literature  which  deserves  all  praise,  not  for 
its  voluminousness  but  for  certain  revolutionary 
features  which  characterize  it.  And  consider  that 
all  this  was  done  during  the  reign  of  the  Red  Sultan 
of  Turkey,  Abdul  Hamid  II,  and  under  the  most  dis- 
heartening disabilities. 

The  net  result  of  these  efforts  of  the  national  so- 
cieties quartered  in  foreign  lands  is  that  not  only 
the  migratory  population  is  now  able  to  read  and 
write  the  national  language,  without  having  ever 
received  any  kind  of  regular  education  in  schools, 
but  also  that  thousands  and  thousands  of  people  in 
Albania  herself  have  been  instructed  in  the  native 
language  by  sheer  perseverance  in  self -teaching.  It 
was  a  spectacle  rarely,  if  ever,  witnesses,  to  see  indi- 
viduals, who  are  past  middle  age  and  have  never 


IN  FOREIGN  COUNTRIES  221 

attended  any  kind  of  school,  fumbling  wdth  the  Al- 
banian alphabet  in  their  determination  to  learn  by 
themselves  the  language  which  a  barbarous  regime 
had  put  under  the  ban.  And  the  next  day  you  might 
have  seen  the  same  individuals  behind  the  iron  bars 
of  the  Turkish  prison  for  no  other  reason  than  that 
they  had  been  found  with  the  Albanian  alphabet  in 
their  hands. 

It  is  highly  improbable  that  there  could  be  found 
such  instances  in  the  history  of  any  other  nation,  at 
least  not  on  the  large-scale  self-teaching  system  of 
the  Albanians.  Yet,  the  outside  world  has  never 
duly  appreciated  this  achievement.  It  has  never  re- 
flected upon  the  question  as  to  why  the  bulk  of  Al- 
banian books  and  newspapers  have  been  published 
at  Bucharest,  Sophia,  Cairo,  Brussels,  etc.;  it  has 
never  inquired  how  it  is  possible  to  have  legions  of 
people  who  read  and  write  their  national  lan.guage 
without  there  being  any  Albanian  schools,  and  what 
is  more  wonderful,  without  their  having  attended  any 
school  of  any  kind. 

There  is,  moreover,  a  highly  interesting  feature 
which  entirely  differentiates  Albanian  from  any 
other  Balkan  nationalism.  Greek,  Bulgarian,  Ser- 
bian nationalism  is  founded  on  an  universal  senti- 
ment which  may  be  aroused  very  easily  among 
otherwise  inanimate  masses,  namely,  the  religious 
sentiment.  It  was  easy  enough  to  speak  to  the 
Greek,  or  Bulgarian,  or  Serbian  peasant  about  the 
wrath  of  the  Christian  God  in  case  he  would  not 
rise  to  vindicate  his  faith  against  the  enemies  of 
Jesus  Christ,  the  Turks,  and  thereby  to  arouse  in  his 
heart  the  strongest  feeling  of  unity  with  his  fellow- 
believers  against  the  Sultan.    But  such  a  thing  could 


223  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

not  possibly  be  done  among  the  Albanians,  divided 
as  they  were  among  three  rival  religions.  It  was  out 
of  the  question  to  excite  a  Moslem  against  another 
Moslem,  and  then  the  Christian  Albanian  against  his 
Moslem  brethren.  Necessarily,  then,  the  basis  on 
which  Albanian  nationalism  had  to  be  founded  was  a 
secular  one,  and  it  is  difficult  to  arouse  a  secular 
sentiment  among  the  inert  masses. 

The  warlike  refrain  of  Greek  nationalism  has  been 
the  fight 

"For  the  Holy  religion  of  Christ 
And  for  the  country's  freedom," 

wliile  the  equivalent  patriotic  song  of  the  Albanian 
nationalist  has  been 

' '  Come  all  ye  Albanians,  Moslem  and  Christian ; 
Let  not  Churches  and  Mosques  divide  us, 
The  true  religion  of  the  Albanian  is  the  worship  of  his 
nation ! ' ' 

or  as  the  lofty  patriot  Wassa  Pasha,  to  whom  we 
have  already  referred,  puts  it: 

''Wake  up,  ye  Albanians,  wake  up, 
And  get  united  in  a  single  faith ; 
Priests  and  Hod j as  ^  are  trying  to  fool  you 
So  as  to  keep  you  divided  and  enslaved ; 
Let  not  Mosques  and  Churches  keep  you  apart, 
The  true  religion  of  the  Albanian  is  his  national  ideal!" 

It  is  highly  gratifying  to  say  that  the  preaching 
of  Wassa  Pasha  has  not  fallen  on  sterile  ground. 
It  is  a  well-deserved  praise  to  the  idealist  patriot, 
leader  and  statesman,  that  his  sublime  admonitions 
are  sung  to-day  far  and  mde  throughout  Albanian 

J  Moslem  priest. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  INDEPENDENCE  223 

lands  and  colonies.  The  opposition  against  the 
fanatical  Moslem,  Catholic  and  Orthodox  clergy  of 
Albania,  which  "VVassa  Pasha  recommends,  has  given 
way  to  the  impulse  of  establishing  a  liberal  and  pa- 
triotic clergy  which  is  now  giving  precedence  to  the 
rights  of  the  nation  rather  than  to  those  of  religion. 
The  ranks  of  the  Albanian  nationalists  are  fiUed  to- 
day with  men  who  are  most  broad-minded  in  re- 
ligious matters,  and  the  ministers  of  the  churclies 
are  more  national-minded  than  the  average  nation- 
alist. 

This  is  what  a  handful  of  Albanian  patriots  has 
accomplished  in  such  a  short  time.  It  is,  moreover, 
likely  to  reveal  Albania,  in  the  very  near  future, 
as  a  model  nation  and  State  in  liberal  self-develop- 
ment, for  the  seeds  it  has  sown  are  daily  bearing 
bountiful  fruit. 

III.    CONSTITUTION    AND    INDEPENDENCE 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  main  reason 
why  the  Albanians  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Young 
Turks  and  gave  them  unqualified  support  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Turkish  Constitution  w^as  the  idea 
that,  under  a  constitutional  regime,  Albania  would 
have  the  amplest  opportunity  for  self-development 
as  a  separate  nationality,  which  was  expected  to  hold 
a  privileged  position  within  the  reformed  and  in- 
vigorated Turkish  Empire.  Hitherto  the  Albanians 
had  often  ruled  Turkey  as  individuals;  now  they 
wanted  to  have  a  preponderant  position  as  a  nation, 
their  ideal  being  to  exert  on  Turkey  as  powerful  an 
influence  as  the  Hungarian  minority  was  exerting 
within  the  Austrian  Empire.  Recalling  the  impor- 
tant contributions  they  had  made  to  the  Ottoman 


224  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Empire,  such  as  the  Albanian  dynasty  of  the  Ko- 
prulu  Grand  Vizirs  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
able  architect  of  the  beautiful  mosque  of  Valide 
Djamissi  Mimaz  Sindu,  the  great  philosopher  and 
man  of  letters  Namyk  Kemal  Bey,  the  only  lexicog- 
rapher of  the  Turkish  language  Sami  Bey  Frasheri,^ 
and  a  host  of  other  statesmen,  generals,  admirals, 
and  diplomats,  the  Albanians  hoped  now  to  do  even 
better  under  a  liberal  constitution. 

With  the  promulgation  of  the  Constitution,  there- 
fore, a  powerful  impulse  was  given  to  the  national 
Albanian  movement.  Albanian  schools  were  opened, 
books  began  to  be  printed  dailj^,  and  a  great  number 
of  newspapers  appeared  at  Constantinople,  Salonica, 
Monastir,  Korcha,  Janina,  Scutari  and  other  places. 
Simultaneously,  a  Normal  School  was  established  at 
Elbasan  which  attracted  in  the  very  first  days  of  its 
existence  more  than  fifty  pupils.  Christian  and  Mos- 
lem. The  Director  of  the  School  was  M.  Louis  Gura- 
kuki,  a  Catholic,  and  the  other  members  of  the  teach- 
ing staff  were  indiscriminately  Moslems  and  Ortho- 
dox Christians. 

When  the  reaction  of  the  Young  Turks  set  in,  the 
Turkish  Government,  being  fully  aware  of  the  over- 
whelming current  of  the  Albanian  movement  in  the 
educational  field,  made  no  attempt  to  stop  it ;  on  the 
contrary  it  struck  on  the  idea  of  diverting  it  to  its 
own  use.  This  it  tried  to  do  by  the  childish  method 
of  substituting  Arabic  characters  for  the  Latin  char- 
acters of  the  Albanian  alphabet,  in  the  vain  effort 
to  arouse  the  religious  susceptibilities  of  the  masses, 
to  whom  the  Young  Turks  represented  the  Latin 
characters  as  an  invention  of  the  ''Giaur"  whereby 

1  The  above  mentioned  Albanian  patriot,  see  p.  215. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  INDEPENDENCE  225 

the  Moslem  Albanians  were  to  be  made  Christians 
by  the  use  of  Christian  characters.  In  pursuance  of 
their  policy,  the  Young  Turks  printed  a  number  of 
Albanian  books  with  Arabic  characters.  The  un- 
fortunate books  became  the  object  of  the  most  witty 
attacks  on  the  part  of  the  Albanians.  Inasmucli  as 
the  Arabic  characters  are  unable  to  give  the  varying 
Albanian  sounds,  the  Albanians  felt  a  particular 
pleasure  in  ridiculing  them  by  drawing  from  a  ]iar- 
ticular  word  a  burlesque  meaning  which  happened  to 
be  the  reverse  of  what  was  meant.  The  result  was 
that  the  new  books  were  publicly  burned  in  heaps  in 
the  market-places  by  the  exasperated  population. 
How  great  the  resentment  was  of  the  Albanian 
masses  against  these  machinations  of  the  Young 
Turks  can  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  one  of  the 
principal  demands  of  the  Albanian  insurgents  of 
1910  and  1911  was  that  education  should  be  given  in 
Albanian  and  in  Albanian  schools.  The  successful 
outcome  of  the  rebellion  of  1911-2  secured  the  full 
realization  of  this  demand.^ 

With  the  proclamation  of  the  independence  of  Al- 
bania, the  Provisional  Government  undertook  to 
carry  out  a  systematic  educational  program.  Two 
Normal  Schools  were  opened  at  Berat  and  Elbasan, 
and  a  model  Primary  School  was  established  at  Va- 
lona.  This  last  named  institution  was  very  inter- 
esting in  its  composition.  The  majority  of  the  chil- 
dren were  Moslem,  corresponding  to  the  Moslem  ma- 
jority of  Valona,  while  the  principal  was  an  Ortho- 
dox Christian,  with  just  one  Moslem  teacher,  and 
he  a  priest!  Similar  mixed  schools  were  opened 
shortly  after  at  Kavaja  and  elsewhere,  and  it  was 

1  "American  Year  Book,"  1912,  p.  142. 


226  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

a  singular  and  noteworthy  event  when  these  little 
children  paraded,  clad  in  neat  uniforms,  before 
the  Prince  of  Wied  on  the  day  of  his  arrival  at 
Durazzo.  It  is  very  seldom,  if  ever,  that  such  highly 
instructive  spectacles  are  offered  in  any  part  of  the 
world,  for  there  is  nothing  more  remarkable  than  to 
see  Christian  and  Moslem  boys  sitting  side  by  side 
"and  being  instructed  by  Christian  teachers  and  by  a 
Moslem  priest.^  As  to  the  Normal  Schools  there 
was  no  question  that  they  had  to  be  coeducational. 
That  was  assumed  as  a  matter-of-course,  the  main 
purpose  being  to  bring  small  children  together. 
And  that  was  attained  by  the  voluntary  cooperation 
of  the  patriotic  population  and  not  by  any  compul- 
sion from  the  Provisional  Government  which,  more- 
over, was  in  no  position  to  exercise  compulsion. 

It  is  right  to  repeat,  then,  once  more,  that  there  is 
no  religious  question  in  Albania,  and  the  animosity 
that  has  existed  among  certain  classes  of  Albania 
w^U  be  easily  dissipated  when  all  classes  have  the 
same  rights  within  the  Albanian  State. 

1  In  the  New  York  World  of  December  15,  1918,  there  was  pub- 
lished the  second  part  of  the  "Story  of  Italy  in  the  War,"  in  a  sepa- 
rate supplement,  compiled  by  the  Official  Italian  Bureau  of  Infor- 
mation of  New  York  City.  Referring  to  Italy's  beneficent  work  in 
Albania,  the  following  statement  is  made  by  the  compilers: 

".  .  .  The  Italian  teachers  of  the  Provisional  Schools  have  suc- 
ceeded in  doing  something  that  experts  of  the  country  had  proclaimed 
impossible;  they  have  now  Mohammedan  and  Christian  boys  sitting 
together.  Whoever  is  in  position  to  know  the  hatred  that  exists 
between  these  two  elements  in  Albania  will  fully  appreciate  this  ac- 
complishment." 

Evidently,  the  compilers  of  this  account  of  Italy's  work  in  Albania 
are  very  much  behind  the  time,  and  they  know  nothing  of  what  has 
been  accomplished  as  early  as  1885,  1908,  and  1912-1914,  or  other- 
wise they  would  not  have  made  such  an  unfounded  statement. 

As  to  the  statement  that  "whoever  is  in  position  to  know  the 
hatred  that  exists  between  these  elements  in  Albania  .  .  ."  no  com- 
ment need  be  made. 


THE  ALBANIANS  OF  AMERICA  227 


III.    THE   ALBANIANS    OF   AMERICA 

The  Albanian  colony  in  the  United  States  is  by 
far  the  most  interesting  of  all,  for  it  is  the  Albanians 
of  America  that  have  made  the  largest  contributions 
to  the  growth  of  nationalism  and  to  the  intellectual 
development  of  their  native  country. 

The  exact  number  of  Albanians  living  in  the 
United  States  is  unknown,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
most  of  these  came  to  this  country  before  the  inde- 
pendence of  Albania  was  recognized  and  have,  conse- 
quently, been  listed  by  the  immigration  authorities  as 
Ottoman  subjects.  According  to  the  best  estimate, 
there  are  more  than  40,000  in  the  United  States, 
about  a  thousand  in  Canada  and  as  many  in  Latin 
America. 

The  more  important  settlements  are  to  be  found 
in  the  New  England  states,  Vermont  excepted,  and 
in  the  states  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Mich- 
igan and  Washington.  In  Massachusetts  there  must 
be  at  least  10,000. 

All  of  these  have  come  to  the  United  States  since 
1900;  their  number  has  been  increased  lately  by  the 
throng  of  refugees  who  were  left  homeless  as  a  re- 
sult of  the  devastation  of  Southern  Albania  by  the 
Greeks  in  the  summer  of  1914. 

To  these  Albanians  the  United  States  afforded  the 
choicest  field  for  the  propagation  of  the  national 
ideal.  The  beginnings  of  this  work  seem  almost  like 
a  fairy  tale,  considering  the  tremendous  progress 
which  has  been  made  during  these  last  twelve  years. 

The  cornerstone  of  the  national  movement  in  the 
United  States  was  laid  in  1906  by  Mr.  Sotir  Petsi, 
an  Orthodox  Christian,  native  of  the  province  of 


228  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

Korcha,  and  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Athens. 
In  a  dark  basement  of  the  dingy  Hudson  Street, 
Boston,  Mr.  Petsi  started  in  that  year  the  publication 
of  a  weekly  newspaper  Komhi,  with  the  proceeds  of 
his  own  manual  labor — he  was  a  factory  worker  at 
that  time  because  of  his  ignorance  of  the  English 
language, — and  with  some  voluntary  contributions 
made  by  a  handful  of  Albanians.  The  people  to 
whom  he  sent  the  newspaper,  gratis  at  the  beginning, 
wondered  what  it  was  for;  they  not  only  had  never 
seen  any  Albanian  newspaper,  but  also  they  were 
entirely  illiterate.  Consequently,  Mr.  Petsi,  who 
was  at  the  same  time  editor,  publisher,  manager,  and 
printer,  was  obliged  to  go  and  explain  in  person  what 
that  shabby  sheet  of  paper  was  meant  to  be.  Out  of 
5,000  Albanians  who  are  estimated  to  have  been  in 
the  United  States  at  the  time  not  twenty  persons 
could  read  or  write.  This  is  the  humble  beginning 
of  the  Albanian  national  movement  in  the  United 
States. 

In  the  meantime,  there  had  come  to  Jamestown, 
N.  Y.,  a  small  group  of  more  or  less  enlightened  Al- 
banians, who  had  detached  themselves  from  the 
thriving  Albanian  colony  of  Roumania.  They  now 
founded  the  first  Albanian  society  in  the  United 
States  under  the  name  "Motherland,"  thus  laying 
another  cornerstone  for  the  national  edifice. 

Soon  it  was  perceived,  however,  that  no  progress 
could  be  made  among  the  Orthodox  Albanians  who 
constituted  the  bulk  of  the  emigrant  population,  on 
account  of  the  interference  of  the  Greek  Patriarch 
of  Constantinople  who,  as  we  know,  had  interdicted 
the  use  of  the  Albanian  language  by  a  decree  of  ex- 
communication.    If  those  Christians  who  were  living 


THE  ALBANIANS  OF  AMERICA  229 

ill  the  United  States  dared  to  ignore  the  decree  of 
the  Patriarch,  their  families  in  Albania  would  suffer 
the  direful  consequences  of  the  excommunication. 
As  a  result,  the  leaders  of  the  movement  hit  upon 
the  idea  of  cutting  once  for  all  the  religious  ties  that 
bound  the  Orthodox  Albanians  to  the  Greek  Patri- 
archate of  Constantinople.  Consequently,  in  1908  a 
peaceful  religious  revolution  took  place.  A  Conven- 
tion was  held  in  Boston,  which  proclaimed  the  re- 
ligious independence  of  the  Orthodox  Christian  Al- 
banians, and  instituted  an  independent  Albanian 
Orthodox  Church  under  the  headship  of  Reverend 
Fan  S.  Noli,  a  native  of  the  Albanian  colonial  settle- 
ment of  Kyteza,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Adrianople. 
Mr.  Noli  received  his  investiture  as  Albanian  priest 
at  the  hands  of  the  Kussian  Bishop  of  New  York.  A 
church  was  improvised  in  a  hall  in  Boston,  and  the 
National  Church  Association  was  founded. 

This  peaceful  revolution  had  momentous  conse- 
quences. The  dread  of  excommunication  was  done 
away  with,  and  the  Christian  Albanians  flocked  into 
the  ranks  of  the  nationalists.  Shortl}^  after,  throngs 
of  Moslem  Albanians  arrived  in  the  United  States; 
they  felt  so  pleased  at  the  action  of  their  Christian 
brethren  that  they  not  only  separated  themselves 
from  the  religious  head  of  Islamism,  the  Sheikli-ul- 
Islam  of  Constantinople,  but  they  also  made  liberal 
contributions  to  the  Christian  Albanian  Church. 
Among  the  members  of  the  National  Church  Associa- 
tion of  the  Orthodox  one  may  find  hundreds  of  Mos- 
lem members.  So  far  as  the  Albanians  of  America 
are  concerned  the  religious  question  was  settled  long 
ago.  An  era  of  complete  assimilation  of  the  two  re- 
ligious groups  set  in.     The  perfect  harmony  which 


230  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

reigns  among  the  Christian  and  Moslem  Albanians 
of  the  United  States  is  one  of  the  most  striking  fea- 
tures of  the  nationalistic  movement. 

The  progress  made  from  that  date  among  the  Al- 
banians of  this  country  has  been  stupendous.  In 
1906  there  were  hardly  more  than  ten  or  twenty  per- 
sons who  could  read  and  write  their  native  language. 
To-day  their  number  exceeds  15,000;  most  of  them 
have  never  attended  any  school,  and  have  learned  to 
read  and  write  with  the  help  of  the  spelling-book  and 
the  newspapers  which  they  set  to  studying  during 
the  hours  of  rest  following  their  hard  daily  work. 
The  rest  of  the  Albanians  are  in  process  of  doing  the 
same,  taking  advantage  of  the  recently  established 
evening  Albanian  schools. 

No  more  instructive  illustration  of  the  progress 
made  in  the  United  States  can  be  supplied  than  by 
the  publication  of  the  list  of  newspapers  and  period- 
icals which  have  made  their  appearance  in  this  coun- 
try from  1906  to  the  present  time. 

Year     Name                          Time  Language  Place 

1906     Kombi    Weekly Albanian.  .  .      Boston,   Mass. 

1909  Dielli    Weekly Albanian .  .  .      Boston,  Mass. 

(now  daily)  . 

1910  Trumbeta   e  Weekly Albanian...       St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Krujes    

1912     Zeri   i   Popullit.  .  .      Weekly Albanian...      New  York,   N.  Y. 

1915     Koha    Weekly Albanian.  .  .      Jamestown,    N.   Y. 

(formerly   of   Kor- 
cha,  Albania) 

1915  Albanian  Era    ...      Monthly....      English-  Denver,    Colo.,    and 

Albanian .  .        later  Chicago,   111. 

1916  Mprojtia  Weekly Albanian...       St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Shqipetare    .... 

1916  Illyria     Monthly....     English-  Boston,  Mass. 

Albanian . 
1916,     Perlindja    Weekly Albanian...      Framingham,   Mass. 

1917  Perparimi    Monthly.  .  .  .      Albanian.  .  .       New  York,  N.  Y. 

1917  Yll'i   Mengjezit    ..      Monthly....      English-  Boston,   Mass. 

Albanian.  . 

1918  Albania    (Relig-  Monthly....     Albanian...      Waterbury,    Conn. 

ious    Moslem)  .  . 

1918     Albania    Weekly Albanian.  .  .      New  York,  N.  Y.,  and 

Worcester,    Mass. 
1918     The    Adriatic  Monthly....     English-  Boston,  Mass. 

Review     Albanian . . 


THE  ALBANIANS  OF  AMERICA  331 

Of  these  newspapers,  the  daily  Dielli  {The  Sun)  is 
considered  as  the  authoxitative  organ. j)f  the  nation- 
alist Albanians  of  America.  It  is  published  by  the 
largest  Albanian  society,  the  Pan-Albanian  Federa- 
tion Vatra  {The  Hearth),  Inc.,  of  Boston,  Mass. 

Along  with  this  literary-political  movement  has 
gone  the  corresponding  movement  for  the  formation 
of  societies. 

The  example  of  the  foundation  of  the  '^  Mother- 
land" was  imitated  by  other  Albanian  colonies,  and 
local  societies  sprang  up  wherever  there  was  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  Albanians  to  form  one. 

In  1912,  following  the  arrival  of  Faik  Bey  Konitza, 
the  foremast  nationalist  leader  and  the  ablest  Al- 
banian writer,^  steps  were  taken  for  the  fusion  of 
the  great  number  of  local  societies  into  a  single  na- 
tional association.  The  result  was  the  formation 
of  the  Pan-Albanian  Federation  ''Vatra,"  which  has 
just  been  mentioned,  as  a  popular  national  organ- 
ization. At  the  present  time,  the  "Vatra"  has 
nearly.,S0j3ranches,  scattered  throughout  the  United 
Stktes  and  Canada. 

Even  after  this  consolidation,  new  societies  were 
formed  for  vaTious_all]ed.._pur;goses,  educational,  re- 
ligious, beneficiary^musjcaL.and  athletic. 

Among  these  the  more  important  are  the  follow- 
ing: 

1  Mr.  Konitza  is  a  jrradiiate  of  three  Univprpities:  Univprsit<5  de 
Franee,  Oxford,  and  Harvard.  In  London  and  Brnasels  he  published 
the  important  monthly  Albania,  review  of  folklore,  literature,  politics, 
history,  etc.,  etc.,  in  French  and  Albanian,  which  contains  a  vol- 
uminous mass  of  historical  documents  of  the  utmost  importance, 
the  result  of  scrupulous  researches.  The  pen  of  Mr.  Konitza  is 
that  of  a  master-writer;  his  keen  caustic  irony  caused  much  im- 
easiness  amonp  the  Turks,  Old  and  Young,  with  whom  he  has  never 
been  able  to  reconcile  himself. 

Barrinp  the  notorious  Essad  Pasha,  Faik  Bey  Konitza  is  the  most 
striking  figure  of  modern  Albania. 


232  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

The  Orthodox  Church  National  Association,  which 
has  charge  of  the  Church  organization  in  the  United 
States.  The  Association  maintains  five  well-estab- 
lished churches  respectively  in  Boston,  Worcester, 
Southbridge,  Mass.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  and  St.  Louis, 
Mo.,  besides  a  large  number  ot  secondary  ones. 
There  are  now  eight  well  educated  priests  under  the 
spiritual  headship  of  the  first  Albanian  priest,  Right 
Reverend  Monsignor  Fan  S.  Noli,  who  has  lately 
been  promoted  to  the  post  of  Mitrate  Primate  of  the 
Orthodox  Albanian  Church  in  America. 

It  is  very  interesting  to  note  that  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  above  mentioned  five  churches  the 
Moslem  Albanians  made  almost  as  many  gecmiiary 
contriliQtioiia..asJb^_Christian_Albanians. 

The  second  in  importance  is  the  Moslem  National 
Alliance,  which  has  charge  of  the  Moslem  religious 
services  in  the  Albanian  language  and  of  the  educa- 
tion of  the  illiterate  Moslem  Albanians.  The  Alli- 
ance now  maintains  a  regular  sghiifil^aLWaterbury, 
Conn.,  which  has  so  far  render^  invaluable  services. 

The  Educational  Society  of  Korcha  has  for  its 
object  the  spread  of  n^tional_educatimi-in--the  city 
of  Korcha. 

There  are  also  a  number  of  clubs  in  the  larger 
centers,  such  as  Boston,  Worcester,  Waterbury, 
Conn.,  Manchester,  N.  H.,  East  Pittsburgh,  Pa., 
Akron,  Ohio,  etc.,  a  baseball  team  at  Manchester, 
N.  H.,  and  four  musical  societies  with  two  complete 
brass  bands  and  two  mandolin  orchestras. 

The  Albanian  of  America  is  liberal  in  his  dona- 
tions. It  is  estimated  that  he  pays  regularly  every 
year,;Ggjore  than^SO,  in  addition  to  special  contribu- 
tions.    The  collective  budget  of  the  various  Albanian 


THE  ALBANIANS  OF  AMERICA  233 

societies  is  estimated  to  be  $100,000  every  year,  and 
this  money  comes  f roni.lliej3ockels_ofJtactory:jvork- 
ers  and  sn;;all_shopkeep.ers,  the  number  of  big  busi- 
nessmen being  very  small,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
Albanian  has  been  the  last  of  the  European  peoples 
to  turn  their  attention  to  the  United  States. 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  armistice  of  the  Euro- 
pean war,  an  appeal  was  made  for  the  raising  of  a 
National  Fund.  It  was  quite  spectacular  to  see  the 
factory ^voTkmen  and  small  shopkeepers  offering  two 
and  three  months'  wages  and  profits  for  the  na- 
tional cause.  Fifty  workingmen  of  the  Westing- 
hoiise^_Electric  Company  of  3^ast_  Pittsburgh,  Pa., 
subscribecr^or~^5j25^.  and  one  of  them~3onated 
$210.  Two  workingmen  of  the  Fore  River  Ship- 
yard§jof__Quincy,  Mass.,  gav^  $360  eajsh,  and  two 
other  workmen  of  ;^iddefom]3lev  gav(e_$650_eacl^. 
A  penny-goods  seller  of  Boston  ^^red  $550. 

The  Albanians  of  America  areequall}^  generous 
toward  their  adopted  country.  In  the  list  of  the 
sums  contributed  by  the  various  races  to  the  Third 
Liberty  Loan,  published  by  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, the  Albanians  come  »lj£ad^_of_ihixteen__ather_ 
races  in  the  LTnited  States. 

This  is  what  the  spirit  of  nationalism  has  achieved 
^among  the  rank  and  file  of  a  people  whom  the  bar- 
barous domination  of  the  Turk  had  forced  to  become 
_only  an  unrivaled  fighter. 

REFEREXCES 

Brailsford,  it.  X.,  ^facedonia,  Its  Races  and  Their  Future,  London, 

mOfi,  pp.  248-262. 
Italo-Svllioti    (Special  Correspondent  in  Albania  of  the  Trihuna  of 

Rome),  Sei  mesi  di  recno  in  Albania,  pp.  SS-fiO. 
Wonns,  IT.  Ciiarle.s,  Tlie  Danger  Zone  of  Europe,  Boston,   1011,  Ch. 

III. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
THE  FUTURE  OF  ALBANIA 

"If  ever  an  autonomous  Albania  comes  into  being  the 
educated  Albanians  now  dispersed  in  Roumania  and  Egypt, 
or  kept  in  a  sort  of  official  imprisonment  in  the  Turkish 
Army  and  Civil  Service,  will  undoubtedly  return  to  lead 
their  countrymen.  There  are  men  among  them  who  would 
be  a  credit  to  any  race.  I  cannot  do  better  than  translate 
some  passages  from  a  letter  which  has  reached  me  the  other 
day  from  an  Albanian  friend,  a  nominal  Mohammedan, 
who  holds  a  high  place  in  the  Turkish  army.  As  a  mili- 
tary commandant  in  a  certain  garrison  in  Asia  Minor  dur- 
ing the  Armenian  massacres,  wielding  large  powers,  he 
earned  golden  opinions  by  his  tolerance  and  humanity. 
The  letter  seems  to  prove  how  little  these  men,  even  when 
they  are  Turkish  officials,  share  the  attitude  of  the  average 
Turk.  It  also  shows  to  what  level  of  culture  these  Alba- 
nians often  manage  to  attain  in  Turkey,  cut  off  though  they 
are  from  European  schools,  and  rarely  able  to  obtain  any 
book  which  treats  of  serious  topics  in  a  modern  spirit." 
H.  N.  Brailsford  in  "Macedonia,  Its  Races  and 

Their  Future,"  1906,  p.  288. 

At  the  time  when  this  book  makes  its  appearance, 
the  Peace  Conference  will  have  probably  settled 
some  of  the  pressing  peace  conditions  looking  to  a 
definite  termination  of  the  great  conflagration,  in 
order  to  enable  itself  to  grapple  with  the  question  of 
readjusting  the  new  territorial  system.  It  is  under 
this  last  head  that  the  problem  of  Albania  will  come 
up  for  discussion,  and  this  raises  the  question : 

234 


THE  FUTURE  OF  ALBANIA  235 

What  is  the  present  international  status  of  Al- 
bania ? 

On  February  20,  1917,  Mr.  A.  J.  Balfour,  British 
Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  declared 
in  the  House  of  Commons  that  the  decisions  of  the 
Conference  of  Ambassadors^  at  London,  relating  to 
the  recognition  and  establishment  of  the  Principality 
of  Albania,.4rej3£j£n^erii]Jiarce,  having  been  abro- 
gated by  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war. 

Whether  such  solemn  international  decisions  may 
be  abrogated  is  a  question  that  goes  beyond  tlie 
scope  of  this  book.  In  all  probabiUty,  Mr.  Bal- 
four was  influenced,  in  making  this  statement,  by 
the  existing  secret  treaty  wliich  was  concluded  be- 
tween Great  Britain,  France  and  Russia,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  Italy  on  the  other,  on  April  26,  1915, 
and  which  was  first  divulged  by  the  Russian  Bol- 
sheviki  in  ^l^ovember,  1917.  By  that  treaty,  Albania 
was  partitioned  among  her  neighbors  in  the  most 
cold-blooded  fashjimJ2y^tlLa_Fnteiite  Allies. 

Yet,  so  far  as  Albania  is  concerned,  the  treaty 
seems  to  have  been  superseded  by  the  proclamation 
of  QeM.^ral.JE!firrero,  (see  pp.  161-163)  by  which  the 
independence»^nd_unity  of  Albania  were  declared  in 
the  name  of  the  Italian  Government,  onJ4^e_3iJ917j^ 
more  than  two  years  after  the  signing  of  the  secret 
treaty  of  London.  The  proclamation  states  also  that 
Albania  is  declared  independent  "under  the  shield 
and  protection  of  the  Italian  Kingdom."  Besides, 
the  Italian  Government  has  repeatedly  avowed  its 
determination  to  make  good  the  claims  of  the  Al- 
banians, and  it  will  undoubtedh'  do  so.  The  main 
question  is  to  clearly  define  what  is  meant  by  "shield 
and  protection." 


236  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  Albanians  will  be 
satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  complete  independ- 
ence, and,  unless  they  be  exterminated  to  the  last 
man,  they  wdll  never  cease  struggling  to  obtain  that 
degree  of  independence.  This  much  may  be  learned 
at  least  from  the  long  history  of  Albania.  The  sit- 
uation is  rendered  more  critical  to-day  because  of 
the  spread  of  the  national  ideal  even  among  the  Al- 
banianlnassgsrzrl'Yom  the  outbreak  of  the  European 
war  a  complete  transformHtioITTias^taken  place  in 
the  psychological  coiTditioirorThe  Albanian  people. 
Old  Albania  has  given  place  to  a  new  Albania  which 
is  craving  liberty  and  independence  from  end  to  end. 
If  that  be  now  denied  to  the  Albanians  it  will  only 
mean  that  an  jinfpctious..a^e  wound  is  left  open  in_the 
Balkan  Peninsula,  liable  to  breed~new  co'EvuIsions 
and  troubles. 

We  have  placed  en  vedette  at  the  head  of  this 
chapter  the  opinion  of  Mr.  H.  N.  Brailsford  about 
the  latent  possibilities  of  the  Albanian  race,  which 
opinion  he  formed  as  early  as  1906.  Since  that  day, 
two  political  revolutions  have  taken  place  in  the  coun- 
try. The  first  occurred  during  the  independent  life 
of  Albania  (1912-14),  when  the  Albanians  got  the 
first  taste  of  national  liberty,  although  it  was  given 
to  them  in  the  form  of  a  bitter  pill,  which  made  them 
long  for  a  more  genuine  freedom.  The  second  revo- 
lution took  place  during  the  four  and  a  half  years 
of  the  European  war  which  battered  Albania  against 
the  overwhelming  waves  of  the  belligerents  as  a 
rudderless  ship.  The  result  was  that  the  war  shook 
the  Albanian  masses  out  of  their  somnolence. 

The  downfall  of  the  Principality  of  Albania  can- 
not in  fairness  be  charged  against  the  Albanians,  for 


THE  FUTURE  OF  ALBANIA  237 

they  could  do  no  better,  under  the  circumstances. 
The  new  State  was  looked  upon  with  suspicion  by 
Europe  as  being  the  creature  of  Aiistrian_di£iioniacy, 
and  there  was  considerable  rejoicing  at  the  downfall 
of  the  short-lived  principality  which  represented 
only  a  Teutonic  diplomatic  victory.  The  Powers 
which  had  guaranteed  its  independence,  territorial 
integrity,  and  neutrality  did  nothing  except  append 
their  signatures  to  paper  guarantees.  They  allowed 
the  Greeks  to  play  havoc  in  Southern  Albania  with- 
out being  moved  by  any  sentiment  of  pity  or  indigna- 
tion at  the  inhuman  treatment  inflicted  on  a  whole 
people.  It  was  not  atjdLsurprising^thcn^that  Mr. 
Wadham  Peacock  foresaw  tBelJfumbling^a^wayof  the 
new  State  before  it  was  even  created.  These  are  the 
words  he  wrote  when  the  great  Powers  were  delimit- 
ing the  frontiers  of  Albania : 

' '  Fnom  the,  cynical  way  jn  whicii  large  populations 
of  Albanians  are  ignored  and  handed  over  to  their 
hereditary  enemies,  it  is  obvious  that  the  Powers 
are  not  overanxious  to  form  an  Albanian  principal- 
ity which  could  have  a  reasonable  chance  of  success. 
The  nascent  Albania  is  cut  down  to  a  minimum,  and 
if  Europe  had  wished  to  make  the  new  State  depend- 
ent on  Austria  and  Italy,  she  could  hardly  have  set  J 
about  it  more  effectually." 

And  what  the  Powers  failed  to  do  collectively  for 
the  destruction  of  Albania,  the  bitter  rivalry  of  Aus- 
tria and  Italy  eventually  did.  For  these  two  Pow- 
ers Albania  was~"^nlv  a  football  wj_th  which  to  play 
their  diplomatic  games.  The  Albanian  ^tlale"  of  the 
Conference  of  the  Ambassadorsw^.aOTily:,^.jQockery 
and  a  farce.  It  was  not  the  Prmce  ofWied  who  was 
the  ruler  of  Albania,  but  the  Austrian  or  Italian  Min- 


238  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

ister,  according  as  one  or  the  other  was  able  to  con- 
trol and  manipulate  the  Prince.  It  was  for  this  pur- 
pose that  Albania  was  given  such  a  pitiful  sovereign 
as  the  Prince  of  Wied. 

The  time  has  come  for  the  reparation  of  the  wrongs 
which  were  done  to  Albania.  If  she  is  to  be  restored 
to  her  previous  condition,  with  more  than  half  her 
territory  and  her  population  handed  over  to  Serbia, 
Montenegro  and  Greece,  she  cannot  be  more  pros- 
perous or  contented  than  before.  Rebellions  and  up- 
risings all  along  the  frontier  will  be  the  sure  accom- 
paniment of  her  future. 

The  districts  of  Hoti  and  Gruda,  the  populations 
of  which  successfully  withstood  every  attempt  of 
King  Nicholas  to  incorporate  their  territory  in  his 
realm,  must  be  given  back  to  Albania.  This  is  one 
of  the  simplest  and  most  elementary  acts  of  repara- 
tion. 

But  by  far  the  most  important  reparation  to  be 
made  is. on  the  Serbian  frontier.  If  there  is  to  be 
any  such  thing  a^-aelf-deterniinationjor  subject  peo- 
ples, there  is  no  reason,  human  or  divine,  why  a 
million  Albanians  should  shed  their  blood  in  vain 
attempts  to  shake  oif  foreign  rule.  During  the  two 
years  of  Serbian  domination,  the  million  Albanians 
QLJKJossava,  Dibra,  and  Ochrida  have  made  three 
sanguinary  rebellions  in  order  to  free  themselves  of 
the  Serbian  rule.  In  1912,  there  might  have  been 
some  reason  for  Serbia's  seeking  to  expand  at  the 
expense  of  Albania,  because  she  was  barred  from 
her  natural  field  of  expansion  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  Austria  then  possessed  Slavic  provinces,  but  to- 
day when  the  Slavs  have  been  freed,  there  is  no  ex- 
cuse whatsoever  for  holding  in  bondage  a  million 


THE  FUTURE  OF  ALBANIA  239 

Albanians.  There  can  be  no  friendly  relations  be- 
tweeii_Albajiia^  and  tSerbia  so  long  as  the  unwilling 
Albanians  are  held  in  subjection;  when  hard  pressed 
by  the  Serbians  they  will  cross  the  frontier  and  put 
the  Albanian  Government  in  the  most  embarrassing 
situation.  And  there  is  nothing,  save  extermination, 
w^hich  will  prevent  these  Albanians  from  revolting 
against  Serbia. 

In  the  name  of  justice,  then,  and  in  the  interest  of 
the  peace  of  the  Balkans,  the  former  vilayet  of  Kos- 
sovo,  and  the  provinces  of  Dil^;a^aild XJ^^hrida_im 
,J^€krestored  to^lbania^ 

Onthe  Albanian-Greek  frontier,  a  new  delimita- 
tion must  be  made  so  as  to  include  in  Albania  the 
district  of  Tchamouria,  w^iich  is  inhabited  by  Mos- 
lem Albanians,  and  the  region  of  the  Pindus  Moun- 
tains where  the  Roumanian- Vallachian  population  as 
well  as  the  Albanians  of  Konitsa  are  clamoring  for 
union  with  Albania. 

The  avow^ed  desire  of  all  these  populations  to  be 
united  with  the  mother-country  is  so  patent  that 
there  is  no  need  for  any  plebiscite,  but  if  it  is  neces- 
sary there  is  no  reason  why  it  should  not  be  resorted 
to;  the  Albanians  wall  be  the  last  ones  to  oppose  it. 

Moreover,  inasmuch  as  Greece  is  still  deliriously 
raving  over  her  absurd  claims  wath  regard  to  that 
part  of  Southern  Albania  which  she  styles  "North- 
ern Epirus"  and  which  is  now  occupied  by  the  Ital- 
ian troops,  the  Albanians  are  again  prepared,  despite 
the  decrease  of  the  population  as  a  result  of  the 
devastation  wrought  to  the  country  by  the  Greeks, 
to  accept  the  results  of  a  plebiscite  in  order  to  put 
an  end  to  the  Greek  wailings  and  yellings,  provided, 
however,  that  the  plebiscite  be  conducted  in  such  a 


S40  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

way  as  to  insure  the  free  expression  of  the  senti- 
ments of  the  popuhition,  after  previous  occupation 
of  the  territory  by  the  troops  of  a  neutral  Power. 
Provision  also  should  be  made  to  avoid  any  scheme 
of  gerrymandering. 

The  Albanians  are  not  appealing  to  charity  but  to 
principles  of  justice  and  fair  play.  The  liberal  ideas 
which  pervade  the  intellectual  classes  of  Albania 
are  averse  to  having  any  foreign  elements  within  the 
boundaries  of  their  State,  and  if,  by  the  force  of 
circumstances  such  minorities  be  included  within  it 
there  should  not  be  the  slightest  apprehension  that 
their  rights  would  be  disregarded.  The  Albanians 
are  neither  barbarously  chauvinistic  like  the  Greeks 
nor  brutal  like  the  Serbians  and  Bulgarians  who  be- 
gan to  baptize  in  masses  the  Moslems  they  annexed 
along  with  the  territories  acquired  as  a  result  of  the 
Balkan  wars  and  to  change  the  names  of  their  dis- 
senting subjects.  No  such  thing  will  ever  happen  in 
Albania,  where  tolerance,  religious  and  political,  is  a 
recognized  principle. 

Coming  to  the  question  whether  the  Albanians  are 
able  to  govern  themselves,  we  need  only  refer  once 
more  to  the  opinion  so  tersely  expressed  by  Mr.  H. 
N.  Brailsford  as  early  as  1906,  i.e.,  at  the  time  when 
the  national  spirit  was  only  beginning  to  make  the 
astounding  progress  which  it  has  accomplished  dur- 
ing the  last  twelve  years  even  among  the  masses  of 
Albania. 

The  country  which  has  given  so  many  prominent 
statesmen,  generals,  admirals,  diplomats,  and  men 
of  science  and  letters  to  Turkey,  Greece  and  Italy, 
such  as  the  Koprulu  Vizirs  who  ruled  Turkey  dur- 
ing the   entire  seventeenth   centurvT  Fend^lPasha 


THE  FUTURE  OF  ALBANIA  241 

Vlora  in  our  own  days,  Namyk  Kemal  Bey  the  phi- 
losopher, Admiral  Miaulis,  the  illustrious  comman- 
ders Marko  Bochari,  Od^S£iLfi_Aiidrucho,  the  fe- 
male AdmiralJS]il2ujiiia,TVancesco  Crispi,  Prime 
Minister  of  Italy,  and  a  host  of  other  celebrated  men 
whose  names  would  fill  entire  pages  of  this  book,  not 
to  mention  the  earlier  contributions  to  Rome,  such  as 
Diocletian,  the  great  organizer  of  the  Roman  Em- 
pire, Constantine  the  Great,  Julian  the  Philosopher 
who  attempted  to  revive  the  worship  of  the  Pelasgic 
Gods  of  his  native  country  in  the  new  capital  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  Constantinople,  ^  Jerpmev- the^ 
translator  of  the  Scriptures,  Pope^5}'Tvester,  and 
Pone  Clement  XI  (1700-1721)  who  put  an  end  to  Jan- 
senism by  the  famous^buU  Uniganitus,  the  country 
and  the  people,  we  say,  who  have  given  so  many  illus- 
trious names  to  the  history  of  the  world  will  not 
surely  fail  to  provide  for  their  own  national  needs. 
It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  the  people  among 
whom  the  memory  of  ripn|-jp-p  flflsfrjntn  Scanderbeg 
is  as  alive  as  ever  will  languish  for  any  considerable 
length  of  time. 

It  is  undeniable  that  Albania  is  to-day  only  a 
desolate  and  devastated  country ;  and  this  is  exactly 
w^hat  is  expected  to  spur  the  enterprise  and  activity 
of  the  ruling  class  of  the  land.  It  is  likewise  un- 
deniable that  in  her  present  condition  Albania  needs 
some  kind  of  assistance  and  protection  against  the 
aggressive  dispositions  of  her  neighbors.  Divided 
as  these  neighbors  are,  the  only  thing  that  unites 
them  is  the  desire,  common  to  them  all,  to  do  injury 
to  Albania. 

Testing  psychologically  th^e_mentalitj;of  the  A^, 


242  ALBANIA,  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

banian  people  it  will  be  found  that  there  is  no  orderly 
and  decent  way  to  govern  Albania  save  through  the 
Albanians  themselves.  The  moral  influence  of  the 
acknowledged  leaders  of  the  people  is  likely  to  prove 
more  potent  and  efficacious  than  the  physical  force 
of  an  alien  government,  foisted  on  pugnacious  and 
unwilling  subjects.  In  this  case,  martial  law  and 
wholesale  executions  would  be  the  chief  weapons 
which  the  alien  government  would  be  obliged  to  re- 
sort to  in  moments  of  crises.  La  belle  affaire!  as 
M.  Gabriel  Hanotaux  exclaims,  having  in  mind  this 
prospect. 

REFERENCES 

AUBRY,  E.,  Albania  on  the  Balkan  Cliess-Board,  Asiatic  Review,  Vol. 

6,   (beg.  with  p.  242),  April,  1915. 
Bbailsford,  H.  N.,  Macedonia;  Its  Races  and  Their  Future,  pp.  277- 

289. 
DtTRHAM,  M.  E.,  The  Albanian  Question,  Contemporary  Review   (beg. 

p.  386),  October,  1917. 
PiNON,  RfiNf;,  La  Question  albanaise,  Revue  des  deux  mondes,  Vol. 

54,  pp.  792-8'26. 


INDEX 


Abdul  Hamid  II,  63,  65;  his  pol- 
icy toward  Albania,  64,  215; 
Albanians  rise  against,  65  ; 
Greeks  imitate  his  officials,  95. 

Achilles,    Albanian   form   of,    14. 

Acland,  Mr.,  British  Under-Sec- 
retary for  Foreign  Affairs,  re- 
plies to  questions,  134. 

Ahmed  Fuad  Pasha,  of  Egypt, 
candidate,  123;  opposed  by 
Provisional    Government,    124. 

Akropolis,  newspaper  of  Athens, 
on  the  Albanian  frontiers,  167. 

Albania,  original  settlers  of,  3; 
in  the  Caucasus,  3;  origin  of 
the  term.  21. 

"Albanian  Brigands,"  38,  191. 

Albanian  Cause,  discredited, 
(1912),  84. 

Albanian  Islands,  25  n.,  206. 

Albanian  League,  The,  50-53, 
211-216;  importance  of,  51, 
212-213,  results  of  its  ac- 
tivities, 53,  213-216;  opposes 
the  Montenegrins,  52-53 ; 
struggles  against  the  Turks, 
53-54,  213;  outwardly  sup- 
pressed, 56-57;  Mirdita  in,  194. 

Albanian  Patriots,  The,  policy 
of,  62-63,  69;  treatment  by 
the  Greek  military  authorities, 
116;  prominent,  214;  accom- 
plishments of,  216-223. 

Albanian  People,  The,  origin  of, 
3-5 ;  unbroken  existence  and 
traditions  of,  10;  effects  of  the 
Turkish  conquest  on,  36-38 ; 
numerical  strength  of,  186; 
divisions,  187;  national  char- 
acteristics, 188;  educating, 
213-223. 


243 


Albanian  Policy,  62-63,  69. 

Albanian  Schools,  prohibited  by 
Turkey,  58,  214;  prohibition 
relaxed  and  then  renewed,  59, 
214-215;  religious  differences 
ignored   in,   225,   226. 

Albanians  of  America,  The,  227- 
233 ;  obliterate  religious  lines, 
230;  contributions  of,  232-233. 

Albanians  of  Greece,  The,  24,  205- 
207. 

Albanians  of  Italy,  The,  36-37, 
207-209. 

Albanians,  in  the  Greek  Revolu- 
tion, 48  and  n. 

Alessio,  Congress  of,  31;  burial 
place  of   Scanderbeg,   33. 

Alexander  the  Great,  12,  14. 

Ali  Pasha,  of  Janina,  battles 
against  the  Pasha  of  Scutari, 
42;  becomes  Pasha  of  Janina, 
43;  character  of,  43-44;  rela- 
tions with  Napoleon  and  other 
Powers,  45 ;  stirs  commotions 
in  Greece,  47;  patronizes  lead- 
ers, 48. 

Ambassadors,  The  Conference  of, 
see  Conference  of  London. 

America,  The  Albanians  of,  see 
The  Albanians  of  America  and 
United  States. 

American  School,  at  Korcha,  139 

Andrucho,  Odysseus,  48,  241. 

Anjevin   Albanian   Kingdom,   23. 

Antiquities,  8-9;  "twentieth  cen- 
tury," 132. 

Appian  Wav,   16. 

Arberia,   208. 

Arbresh.  208. 

Area,  of  Albania,   169. 

Arghyrocastro,    remains    of,    8; 


244 


INDEX 


seat  of  Albanian  League,  51; 
assigned  to  Albania,  110; 
nearly  captured  by  the  Alba- 
nians, 142;  Albanian  independ- 
ence proclaimed  at,  161,  196. 

Armstrong,  Secretary  to  the 
Prince  of  Wied,  138. 

Aryan  Immigrants,  Albanians 
descendants  of  the  earliest,  3. 

Asia  Minor,  Greeks  imported  into 
Southern  Albani  from,  115. 

Athena  (Minerva),  Albanian 
form  of,  6. 

Autonomy,  Albanian  struggle  for 
autonomy,  61-63;  preparing 
for,  61-62;  the  winning  of,  69. 

Austria,  troops  in  Albania,  39 ; 
intervenes  in  Albania,  79-85; 
reasons  for  intervention,  81- 
82;  discredits  Albanian  cause, 
83-84;  r6le  in  the  Scutari 
crisis,  101;  attitude  in  the 
election  of  the  Prince,  123-124; 
delegation  from,  137;  repre- 
sented in  the  Palace  of  the 
Prince,  138;  hostility  with 
Essad  Pasha,  144;  occupies 
Northern  and  Central  Albania, 
158-159 ;  evacuates  Albanian 
territories,  162;  commercial 
relations  with  Albania,  178- 
179;  mistrusted  by  the  Alba- 
nians, 218. 


Bagdad  Railway  Project,  Al- 
bania in  the,  82. 

Balfour,  A.  J.,  declares  deci- 
sions of  the  London  Conference 
abrogated,  235. 

Balkan  Alliance,  The,  formed  as 
a  result  of  the  successes  of  the 
Albanians,  74-75 ;  attitude  of 
the  Albanians  toward,  the,  76. 

Balkan  Allies,  The,  attitude  to- 
ward Albania  of,  76-77;  in- 
vade and  occupy  most  of  Al- 
bania, 77-78;  ignore  proclama- 
tion of  independence,  79-80 ; 
territorial  claims  of,  91,  92-93. 

Balkan  Revue,  quoted,  179. 


Balsha,  Family  of  the,  23-24,  26. 

Banca  Commerciale  d'ltalia,  con- 
cessionaire of  the  National  Al- 
banian Bank,  120. 

Bands,  Greek,  118,  141. 

Barbarian  Invasions,  20-21 ; 
Goths,  20;  Serbians,  20;  Nor- 
mans, 21;  Bulgarians,  20-21, 
22. 

Barbarich,  Eugenio,  quoted,  207. 

Bardhyllus,  King  of  Illyria,   11. 

Bekir  Agha  Grebenaly,  Turkish 
Major  in  plot  against  Albania, 
128-129. 

Bektashis,  sect  of  the,  204. 

Berat,  Normal  School  of,  225. 

Berlin,  Congress  of,  provisions  of, 
the,  50-51;  modifications  of  the 
treaty,  52,  211-212. 

Bessa,  violated,  148,  150;  nature 
of  the,  192,  193. 

Bevs,  become  leaders  of  opinion, 
197. 

Bevs  and  Pashas,  expropriated, 
i74. 

Bishop,  Greek,   140. 

Bismarck,  in  the  Congress  of  Ber- 
lin, 50,  53. 

Biblical  Society,  British,  213. 

Bochari,  Marko,  28  and  n.,  241. 

Boiana,  River,  171;  navigable, 
184. 

Bolsheviki,  reveal  Secret  Treaty 
of  London,  235. 

Borova,  Incident  of,  116. 

Bosnian  Refugees,  settled  in 
Central  Albania,  147,  195. 

Boston  (Massachusetts),  first 
Albanian  newspaper  estab- 
lished in,  228 ;  establishment 
of  the  Orthodox  Albanian 
Church   in,  229. 

Boundary  Commission,  South- 
eastern, appointed  by  the  Lon- 
don Conference,  100;  starts  on 
its  journey,  112;  official  pro- 
ceedings of  the,  113;  at  Kor- 
cha,  117:  at  Kolonia  and  Bo- 
rova, 118. 

Bourbon-Orleans,  see  Ferdinand- 
Francois,  Due  de  Montpensier. 


INDEX 


245 


Bourchier,  J.  D.,  on  the  Alba- 
nians of  Greece  and  Italy,  25, 
n.;  on  the  frontiers  of  Albania, 
168,  169. 

Brailsford,  H.  N.,  on  the  future 
of  Albania,  234,  236,  240. 

Brindisi,  terminus  of  the  Appian 
Way,  16. 

Bubulina,  female  Admiral  in  the 
Greek  Revolution,  48,  241. 

Bulgaria,  Albanian  societies  in. 
57,  216;  claims  the  Vilayet  of 
Monastir,  74 ;  delegation  from, 
137;  sends  Minister  to  Du- 
razzo,  138;  invasion  of  Alba- 
nia by  Bulgarian  troops,  158- 
159;    Albanian   colony  in,   210. 

Burney,  Vice-Admiral  Sir  Cecil, 
occupies  Scutari,  102,  127;  re- 
tires, 130. 

Byron,  Lord,  on  the  natural 
beauties  of  Albania,  167,  169; 
on  the  Albanians,   189. 

Byzantine,  domination  and  in- 
'fluence,  19-20. 


Camarda,  Demetrio,  Italo-Alba- 
nian  writer,  208. 

Candidates,  to  the  throne  of  Al- 
bania, 107,  12.3-124. 

Carmagnolle,  The,  sung  at  Ja- 
nina,  45. 

Carmen  Kylva,  launches  candi- 
dacy of  William  of  Wied,  124. 

Castriota,  the  House  of  the,  27. 

Catherine  II,  of  Russia,  47,  217. 

Catholicism,  in  Northern  Al- 
bania, 24. 

Caucasus,  Albania  in,  3. 

Central  Albania,  Illyrian  re- 
mains in,  9;  part  of  Illyria, 
11;  invaded  by  Romans,  12; 
thoroughfare  to  the  East,  16; 
invaded  by  Bulgarians,  20;  in- 
vaded by  Normans,  21  ;  estab- 
lished as  Albanian  Kingdom, 
23;  dominion  of  the  Ralsha 
Family,  24;  divided  among  the 
feudal  lords,  26;  added  to  the 
dominion  of  the  Pasha  of  Scu- 


tari, 47;  invaded  by  the  Serb- 
ians, 77;  uprising  of  (1914), 
146-150;  causes  of  the  upris- 
ing, 149-150;  "The  Govern- 
ment of  Central  Albania,"  156; 
extent  of,  168;  landowners  ex- 
propriated by  peasants  in,  149, 
174;  forests  of,  180;  social 
conditions  in,  195;  pseudo- 
Moslems  in,  204. 

Chamber  of  Deputies,  Turkish, 
discussion  on  Albania  in  the, 
67. 

Clans,  parallel  drawn  by  Byron, 
189;   organization  of,  193. 

Clergy,  Greek,  in  Southern  Al- 
bania, 98;  Roman  Catholic  in 
Northern  Albania,  194;  na- 
tional clergy,  223. 

Childe  Harold,  on  the  natural 
beauties  of  Albania,  167. 

Chimarra,  23,  34 ;  mountains  of, 
170. 

Commerce,  and  articles  of,  177- 
180. 

Commissioners,  see  Boundary 
Commission. 

Communications,  183-184. 

Comnenus,  ]\Iichael,  founder  of 
the  Despotat  of  Epirus,  22. 

Concessions,  made  to  the  Alba- 
nians by  Turkey,  68-69;  made 
by  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, 120-121. 

Conference  of  Ambassadors,  see 
Conference  of  London. 

Conference  of  London,  The,  86- 
104;  menace  of  European  war 
led  to,  86 ;  recognition  of  Alba- 
nian independence  by,  87-88; 
decisions  reached  by  compro- 
mises. 88,  89;  its  decisions  de- 
clared abrogated,  235. 

Congress  of  Alessio,  31. 

Congress  of  Berlin,  provisions  of 
the,  50-51 ;  modifications  of  the 
treaty,  52,  211-212. 

Constantine  the  Great,  native  of 
Tllyria,  17,  241. 

Conversion,  to  Islamism,  39; 
reasons  for,  201-202. 


246 


INDEX 


Convulsions  and  Uprisings,  39- 
41. 

Corfou,  Disposition  of,  143;  torn 
to  pieces,  151. 

Corinthians,  colonies  established 
by,  9. 

Coup  de  Theatre,  staged  by  the 
Greeks  in  Southern  Albania, 
121,  131. 

Court  Martial,  for  Turkish  plot- 
ters, 129. 

Cretan  Bandits,  in  Southern  Al- 
bania, 132,  134;  terrorize  pop- 
ulation,  141. 

Crispi,  Francesco,  Italian  Pre- 
mier, 208,  241. 

Croia  or  Kroia,  remains  of,  8; 
the  overlord  of,  26;  capital  of 
Albania,  26,  28,  29;  besieged 
by  two  Sultans,  32 ;  lost  to 
the  Turks  (1478),  34;  claimed 
by  the  Slavs,  92. 

Crusaders,  in  Albania,  21. 

Cyclopean  Remains,  8. 

Cyclops,  survive  in  Albanian 
legends,  7-8;  identical  with 
Ghegs,  188. 

Dalmatia,  part  of  Illyria,  11. 
Deputation,     to     Neuwied,     130, 

131;  to  Durazzo,   137. 
Dervish    Pasha,    suppresses    the 

Albanian  League,  54,  213. 
Descoins,    Colonel,   cooperates   in 

the   establishment   of   the    Re- 
public of  Korcha,  160. 
Desperadoes,  Greek,  118. 
Despotat,  of  Epirus,  22-23,  97. 
Devol,  River,  171,  172,  184. 
Dialects,  differences  in  Albanian, 

187;  fuse  into  each  other,  188. 
Dibra,  revolt  of,  190-191,  238. 
Dielli,  organ  of  the  nationalists 

of  the  United  States,  231. 
Dinaric,  Alpine  system,  170. 
Diocletian,  Emperor,   17,  241. 
Disintegration,    120-123;    causes 

of,  120-121. 
Divide  ut  Impera,  maxim  of  the 

Turks  in  Albania,  40-41. 
Djavella,  48. 


Djavid  Pasha,  106. 

Doda,  Prenk  Bib,  55;  family  of, 
194. 

Dodona,  oracle  of,  4 ;  remains 
of,  8. 

Domination,  Byzantine,  19-20; 
Roman,  15-18;  Turkish,  36-70. 

Doulis,  Colonel,  131;  conduct 
questioned  in  the  House  of 
Commons,    134. 

Drang  Nach  Osten  Policy,  Al- 
bania in  the,  82. 

Drin,  River,  29,  171,  184. 

Dukaghin,  Lek,  26,  92. 

Duke  John,  Alexander,  see  Duka- 
ghin. 

Dulcigno,  defended  Tiy  the  Alba- 
nians  against  the  Powers,  52. 

Durazzo,  16;  Government  of, 
122-127;  Austro-Italian  clash 
at,  145;  natural  harbor,  172; 
its  future,  178. 

Dutch  Mission,  90,  129,  139. 

Dyrrachium,  see  Durazzo. 

Egypt,  Mehmed  Ali  Pasha  of,  46, 
57;  delegation  from,  137;  col- 
ony of,  210;  national  societies 
in,  57,  216. 

Elbasan,  center  of  the  Albanian 
League,  51;  products  of,  175; 
Normal  School  of,  224,  225. 

Elisabeth,  Queen  of  Roumania, 
124. 

Epirots  or  Pelasgians,  ancestors 
of  Southern  Albanians,  3;  pro- 
genitors of  Tosks,  4  and  n. ; 
join  Alexander   the  Great,   14. 

Epirus  or  Molossia,  Southern  Al- 
bania, 13  and  n.;  Despotat  of, 
22;  autonomous,  130;  Provi- 
sional Government  of,  131 ; 
Cretan  bandits  in,  134;  Greek 
atrocities  discussed  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  134. 

Erseka,  town  of,  197. 

Essad  Pasha,  66;  surrenders 
Scutari  to  Montenegro,  101; 
forms  the  first  Government  of 
Durazzo,  122,  127;  retires, 
130;     appointed     Minister     of 


INDEX 


247 


War  and  of  the  Interior,  138; 
questionable  conduct,  143-144; 
overthrown,  145;  surrendered 
into  the  hands  of  the  Italians, 
146;  forms  the  second  Govern- 
ment of  Durazzo,  156;  besieged 
in  Durazzo,  157 ;  relieved  by 
the  Serbo-Montenegrins,  158; 
flees  from  Durazzo,  159;  his  es- 
tates appropriated  by  the  peas- 
ants, 149,  174. 

Eugene  IV,  Rope,  organizes  cru- 
sade, 32. 

European  War,  the,  Albanian 
crisis  nearly  brings  about,  83 ; 
crisis  renewed,  100;  efTcct  on 
Albania  of  the  outbreak  of, 
153,  235;   Albania  in,  155-163. 

Ferdinand-Francois,  Duke  of 
Montpensier,  enters  Valona 
and  poses  as  candidate,  107 ; 
candidacy  dropped,   124. 

Ferdinand,  King  of  Naples,  33. 

Ferid  Pasha  Vlora,  64,  241. 

Ferizovitch,  meeting  of  the  Alba- 
nian chieftains  at,  08. 

Ferrero,  General  Giacinto,  pro- 
claims Albanian  independence 
at  Arghvrocastro,  161,  235. 

Feudal  Lords,  26-27. 

Fieri,  town  of,  197. 

Filiki  Etairia,  aided  by  AH 
Pasha,  47. 

Finances,  of  Albania,  187-183. 

Fishta,  Father  George,  foremost 
Albanian  poet,  194. 

Fitzmaurice,  Lord,  proposes  au- 
tonomy for  Albania,  56  n. 

Florence,  Conference  of,  113,  119. 

Forests,  "Virgin,"  180. 

France,  attitude  toward  Albania, 
84;  "disinterestedness,"  -88; 
role  played  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Republic  of  Kor- 
cha  by,  159-160. 

Frasheri,  Naim  Bey,  poet,  215. 

Frasheri,  Sami  Bey,  patriot,  214, 
215,  224. 

Frasheri,  town  of,  197;  revolt 
of,  215. 


Gains  Fulvius  Santumalus,  12. 

Gazi  Mukhtar  Pasha,  74. 

Gentius,  last  king  of  Illyria,   12. 

George  Castriota,  see  Hcanderheg. 

Ghegs,  or  Northern  Albanians,  4, 
187;  tallest  men  in  the  Bal- 
kans, 188. 

Gibbs,  Mr.,  M.  P.,  question  put 
in  the  House  of  Commons  by, 
134. 

Goths,  invasion  of  the,  20. 

Granville,  Earl,  on  Albanian  au- 
tonomy, 55-56  n. 

Great  Britain,  proposal  of  Alba- 
nian autonomy,  55;  attitude  in 
1912,  83,  86-87;  proposal  on 
the  southern  Albanian  fron- 
tier, 119;  in  the  International 
Commission  of  Control,  127; 
conduct  questioned  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  133. 

Greece,  Albanian  migrations  to, 
24;  Albanians  of,  25  and  n., 
205-207 ;  activities  of  Ali 
Pasha  in,  47 ;  the  momentous 
role  played  by  the  Albanians 
in  the  struggle  for  independ- 
ence, 47-48;  Congress  of  Ber- 
lin assigns  Janina  to,  51;  but 
she  is  unable  to  get  it,  53 ; 
attitude  toward  Albania,  80, 
94-100,  111-120;  121-122,  130- 
135,  139-143,  151-153,  157-158, 
160,  169. 

"Greek  Documents,"  95. 

Greek  Government,  trying  to 
evade  evacuation  of  Southern 
Albania.   131;   tricks,   131-134. 

Greek  Influence,  slight  in  Alba- 
nia, 9. 

Greek  Mythology,  borrowed  from 
the  Polasgians.  6. 

Grey,  Sir  Edward,  on  the  menace 
of  European  war,  83 ;  mediates, 
86;  on  the  making  of  Albania, 
89;  replies  to  questions  put  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  134; 
ascribes  atrocities  in  Southern 
Albania  to  Greeks.   152. 

Guiscard.  Robert,  invades  Al- 
bania, 21. 


248 


INDEX 


Gurakuki,  Louis,  107,  224. 
Gussigne-Plava,  51,  53. 
Gymnasia,  115,  140. 

Hahn,  Dr.  Georg  Johann  von,  3, 
4;  on  the  Albanians  of  Greece, 
205. 

Hanotaux,  Gabriel,  242. 

Herbert,  Aubrey,  M.  P.,  questions 
put  in  the  House  of  Commons 
by,  151. 

Holstein,  Duke  of,  39. 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  39. 

Homer,  Ghegs  the  Giants  of,  188. 

Homeric  Poems,  affinity  with  Al- 
banian language,  7. 

Hoti  and  Gruda,  resist  incorpora- 
tion in  Montenegro,  93;  should 
be  returned  to  Albania,  238. 

House  of  Commons,  questions  put 
in  the,  89,  133,  134,  152. 

Hyllus,  king  of  lllyria,  11. 

Illyria,  extent  of,  11;  kingdom 
of,  11-13;  conquered  by  the 
Romans,    12. 

Illyrians,  ancestors  of  the  Alba- 
nians, 3 ;  progenitors  of  the 
Ghegs,  4;  influence  of  the  Illy- 
rian  language  on  Balkan 
speech,  6;  antiquities  of  the 
Illyrian  period,  9 ;  join  Alex- 
ander the  Great  against  the 
Persians,  12. 

Independence,  proclamation  of, 
79. 

Independent  Principalities,  Alba- 
nian, 21-24,  41-47. 

Indo-European,  groundwork  and 
grammar  of  the  Albanian  lan- 
guage, 6. 

International  Commission  of  Con- 
trol, 90;  make  up  and  func- 
tions, 126;  failure  and  causes, 
127,  133;  assumes  administra- 
tion of  Albania,  130;  ignored 
by  the  Prince  of  Wied,  137- 
138;  negotiates  with  Zogra- 
phos,  143 ;  reassumes  adminis- 
tration of  Albania,  and  dis- 
solves, 155. 


International  Commission  on 
Frontiers,  see  Boundary  Com- 
mission. 

International  Interregnum,  127- 
130. 

Intervention,  of  Austria  and 
Italy,  82;  reasons  for,  81-82; 
Russia  responds  to  the  chal- 
lenge, 83-84 ;  consequences  of 
the,  84. 

Invasions:  (1)  Balkan  Allies, 
75-79;  (2)  Barbarian,  20-21; 
(3)   European  War,  157-159. 

Isa  Bolatin,  107. 

Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  77,  78,  79,  80, 
110;  accused  of  incompetence, 
120;  warns  the  Powers,  122; 
willing  to  retire,  128;  retires, 
130. 

Italy,  Pelasgians  in,  4 ;  Pyrrhus 
in,  14;  Scanderbeg  in,  33;  Al- 
banian colonies  in,  36-37,  207- 
208;  intervention  of,  79-82, 
84;  attitude  in  the  London 
Conference,  99 ;  attitude  in  the 
election  of  the  Prince,  123-124; 
delegation  from,  137;  agent  of, 
138;  supports  Essad  Pasha, 
157;  occupies  Valona,  158;  oc- 
cupies Southern  Albania,  159; 
proclaims  the  independence  of 
Albania,  161;  commercial  rela- 
tions with  Albania,  178-179. 

Italian  Princes,  Albanians'  ap- 
peal to,  39. 

Italian  Navy,  protects  Essad 
Pasha,  157. 

Izzet  Pasha,  would-be  dictator  of 
Albania,  107. 

Jamestown,  N.  Y.,  first  Alba- 
nian society  in  the  United 
States  established  in,  228. 

Janina,  capital  of  the  Despotat 
of  Epirus,  22 ;  capital  of  Ali 
Pasha,  42-47 ;  assigned  to 
Greece,  51;  but  remains  Alba- 
nian, 53 ;  defended  by  the  Alba- 
nians in  1912,  76;  Gymnasium 
of,  115. 

John  Bua  Spata,  25. 


INDEX 


249 


John  Castriota,  delivers  his  sons 
as  hostages  to  the  Sultan,  28. 

John  Hunvadv,  battles  against 
the  Turks,  29. 

Joseph  II,  Emperor  of  Austria, 
negotiates  with  the  Pasha  of 
Scutari,  42,  43. 

Julian  the  Apostate  or  the  Phi- 
losopher, 241. 

Justinian,  Emperor,  20. 

Kara  Mahmud  Pasha,  fights 
Montenegrins,  Venetians  and 
Turks,  42;  negotiates  with 
Joseph  II  of  Austria,  43. 

Karapanos,   131. 

Katundi,  the  interesting  town  of, 
197. 

Kavaja,,  plain  of,  170;  cultiva- 
tion of,  173;  produc-tn  of,  175; 
Primary  School  of,  225. 

Kennedy,  Rev.  Phileas.  Ameri- 
can missionary,  expelled  from 
Korcha  by  the  Greeks,  139. 

Kethella,  province  of,  uncon- 
quered,   194. 

Kleitos,  king  of  Illyria,  defeated 
by  Alexander  the  Great,   12. 

Kodra,  massacre  of,  142. 

Komhi,  first  Albanian  newspaper 
in  the  United  States,  228. 

Konitza,  Faik  Bey,  nationalist 
leader,  231   and  n. 

Koprulu  Grand  Vizirs,  224,  240. 

Korcha,  or  Koritza,  eastern  ter- 
minus of  the  southeastern  fron- 
tier, 100;  Gymnasium  of,  115; 
Boundary  Commission  at,  117; 
province  assigned  to  Albania, 
119;  evacuated  bv  the  Greeks, 
133;  outbreak  of,' 139-141;  her 
r6le  in  Albanian  national  poli- 
tics, 139-140;  establishment  of 
the  Republic,  159-160;  coal 
mines  of,  180;  social  condi- 
tions in,  196;  educational  so- 
ciety in  the  United  States,  232. 

Kossova,  battle  of,  42 ;  assigned 
to  Serbia,  but  resists  incor- 
poration, 94;  should  be  re- 
turned to  Albania,  238-239. 


Kullurioti,   Anastas,  nationalist, 

206. 
Kumanovo,  battle  of,  76. 
Kutzo-Vallachians,  origin  of  the, 

17;   want  union  with  Albania, 

239. 

Labia,  Signor,  Italian  Commis- 
sioner, 117. 

Lamb,  Mr.  Harry,  British  Dele- 
gate to  the  International  Com- 
mission of  Control,  127. 

Land,  ownership  of,  174;  crops 
and  stock  raising,   175-177. 

Language,  The  Albanian,  dis- 
tinct from  other  languages,  of 
Thraco-lllyrian  origin,  5;  for- 
eign words  in,  8;  use  in  writ- 
ing prohibited  by  Turkey,  58, 
114;  Young  Turks  attempt  to 
change  characters  of,  67,  224- 
225. 

Liaskoviki,  burned  by  the  Greeks, 
143,  197. 

Liberty  Loan,  Third,  Albanian 
subscriptions  to  the,  233. 

Liclinowski,  Prince,  on  Albania, 
102-104. 

Liosha,  Peter,  leader  of  migra- 
tion, 25. 

Literary  Movement,  61,  213-221, 
224-226. 

Literature,  smuggling  in  the  Al- 
banian, 59,  65,  214-218. 

London  Conference,  see  Confer- 
ewe  of  London. 

London,  Secret  treaty  of,  235. 

Lorecchio,  Anselmo,  Italo-Alba- 
nian  writer,  208. 

Lowell,  A.  L.,  108. 

Lucius  Postumius  Albinus,  12. 

Luma,  34;    unconquerod,    194. 

Macedonians,  ancestors  of  Alba- 
nians, 3. 

Mahmud  Pasha,  of  Scutari,  41- 
43. 

Mahmud  Shefket  Pasha.  The 
Turkish  dictator,  resigns,  73. 

Manfred,  King  of  Sicily,  23. 


250 


INDEX 


Massachusetts,  Albanians  in  the 
State  of,  227. 

Mavromatis,  Greek  consul,  on  the 
frontiers  of  Albania,  167,  168, 
169. 

Mati,   unconquered,   34,    194. 

Mbret,  Albanian  title  given  to 
the  Prince  of  Wied,   136,   153. 

Medua,  San  Giovanni  di,  seaport 
of,  172. 

Mehmed  Ali  Pasha,  of  Egypt,  46 
n.,  125. 

Mehmed  Ali  Pasha,  Turkish 
statesman,  murdered  by  mobs, 
213. 

Mehmed  Bushatli,  becomes  hered- 
itary Pasha  of  Scutari,  41. 

Metternich,  Prince,  and  the  "Con- 
stitution," 45  n. 

Miauli,  Admiral,  48,  241. 

Michael  Comnenus,  founder  of 
the  Despotat  of  Epirus,  22. 

Migrations,  of  Albanians,  to 
Greece,  24-25;  to  Italy,  36. 

Military  Authorities,  Greek,  con- 
duct in  Southern  Albania,  113; 
stage  autonomous  Epirus,  130; 
plant  "twentieth  century"  an- 
tiquities,  132.  ^ 

Mimar  Sinan,  224. 

Mineral  resources,  Albania  rich 
in,  180-181. 

Mirdita,  unconquered,  34,  194; 
gold  mines  in,  180. 

Misurata,  the  Prince  of  Wied 
leaves  Albania  on  the,  153. 

Modus  Vivendi,  sought  by  the 
Powers  in  making  Albania,  89 

Mohammed  II,  The  Conqueror, 
besieges  in  vain  Croia,  32 ;  defi- 
nitely retires  from  Albania,  33. 

Molossia,     kingdom     of,     13-15; 

devastation  and  fall  of,  15. 
Monastir,  vilayet  of,   21   n.,   68; 
Boundary  Commission  at,  112, 
120. 

Montenegro,  wrested  from  Alba- 
nia,   20;     Albanians    in,    209. 
See    also    Nicholas,    King    of 
Montenegro. 
Moslem  Albanians,  their  respect 


for  Scanderbeg,  33;  how  they 
were  converted,  37-38,  201- 
202;  progress  of  Islamism,  40; 
not  allowed  to  use  the  Alba- 
nian language,  58;  attitude 
toward  the  Christian  Alba- 
nians, 64,  202-203;  cruelly 
persecuted  by  the  Greeks,  122; 
oppose  Moslem  candidate,  124; 
are  in  majority  in  Albania, 
200 ;  comparison  with  other 
converts,  202-203 ;  attitude  to- 
ward the  Prince  of  Wied,  203 ; 
Reformed  Moslems,  294 ; 
pseudo-Moslems,  204-205 ;  con- 
tributions to  the  Orthodox 
Albanian  Church,  229. 

Moslem  National  Alliance,  232. 

Motherland,  first  Albanian  soci- 
ety founded  in  the  United 
States,  228. 

Mufti,  what  is  a,  110-111  and  n. 

Mukhtar  Pasha,  aids  Montene- 
grins against  Albanians,  52. 

Murad  II,  invades  Albania,  27; 
besieges  Croia,  32. 

Miizakia,  plain  of,  78,  170;  culti- 
vation of,  173;  horses  of,  176. 

Namyk  Kemal  Bey,  224,  241. 

Napoleon,  relations  of  Ali  Pasha 
with,  45. 

National  Albanian  Association, 
of  Constantinople,  64. 

National  Albanian  Bank,  pres- 
sure for  the  concession  of,  112- 
113;  concession  of,  120. 

National  characteristics,  188- 
193. 

National  Church  Association, 
founded  in  Boston,  229,  232. 

National  Fund,  contributions  to 
the,  233. 

National  societies,  work  of,  57- 
59,  216-223,  227-233;  obsta- 
cles in  the  way  of,  58 ;  accom- 
plishments of,' 219-221;  in  the 
United  States,  228,  229,  231, 
232. 

Nationalism,  growth  of,  211-233; 
unprotected     and     unassisted, 


INDEZ 


J51 


217-219;  secular  basis  of  Alba- 
nian, 221;  differences  from 
Greek,  222-223. 

Nationalists,  Albanian,  agitate 
against  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, 121;  assist  Essad 
Pasha  in  forming  the  GJovern- 
ment  of  Durazzo,  122;  oppose 
Essad  Pasha,  138,  144;  attack 
Essad  Pasha,  145;  their  work 
in  foreign  lands  and  accom- 
plishments, 216-223;  in  the 
United  States,  227-233. 

Native  rule,  period  of,  21-24. 

Nelson,  Admiral,  provided  with 
supplies  by  Ali  Pasha,  45. 

Nemanitch,  Dynasty  of,  23. 

Neuwied,  Rhenish  Prussia,  124, 
130. 

Newspapers,  Albanian,  217-218; 
in  the  United  States,  230. 

New  York  World,  The,  226  n. 

Nicholas,  Czar  of  Russia,  ad- 
monishes the  king  of  Monte- 
negro, 101,  209. 

Nicholas,  King  of  Montenegro,  on 
the  possession  of  Scutari,  92 ; 
besieges  Scutari,  100;  refuses 
to  withdraw  from  Scutari,  101 ; 
unable  to  get  Hoti  and  Gruda, 
93. 

Noli,  Rev.  Fan  S.,  first  Albanian 
priest,  229 ;  becomes  Mitrate 
Primate,  232. 

Nopsca,  Baron,  on  the  conditions 
of  Albania,  192. 

Normal  School,  of  Elbasan,  224; 
two  opened  by  the  Provisional 
Government,  225. 

Norman  invaders,  21. 

Northeastern  boundary,  90-94 ; 
absurdity  of,  93. 

Northern  Albania,  Illyrian  re- 
mains in,  9;  part  of  Illyria, 
1 1 ;  dominion  of  the  Balsha 
family,  24 ;  divided  among  the 
feudal  lords,  26;  traces  of  feu- 
dalism in, 27, 193;  independent 
oases,  34,  194;  petty  rulers 
suppressed,  42 ;  revolts  in,  46, 
68 ;  authorities  of  the  Albanian 


League  established  in,  54;  in- 
vaded by  Serbo-Montenegrins, 
77;  claimed  by  Slavs,  93;  ex- 
tent of,  168;  'forests  of,  180; 
social    conditions    in,    193-195. 

Northern  Epirus,  term  applied 
by  the  Greeks  to  Southern  Al- 
bania, 169,  239. 

Northernmost  Epirus,  169. 

Ochrida,  lake  of,  171;  products 
of,  175,  238. 

Odessa,  South  Russia,  Albanian 
settlements  about,  210. 

Ollieial  Italian  Bureau  of  Infor- 
mation, on  the  Albanian 
schools  and  religious  hatred, 
226  n. 

Official  Proceedings,  of  the 
Boundary  Commission,  113, 
118. 

"Old  Serbia,"  74. 

Olympias,  mother  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  14. 

Orsini,  The  House  of,  succeeds  in 
the  Despotat  of  Epirus,  22. 

Orthodox  Albanians,  The,  why 
the  Greek  language  was 
adopted  by,  58  and  n.,  95;  in 
Central  and  Southern  Albania, 
200;  called  "Greeks"  by  Greece 
because  of  their  religion,  96. 

Orthodox  National  Albanian 
Church,  founded  in  the  United 
States,  229. 

Papulias,  General,  intervenes  in 
battle,  145. 

Parnassos,  Greek  periodical,  on 
the  Albanians  of  Greece,  206  n. 

Patriarch,  The  Greek,  of  Con- 
stantinople, 20;  anathema- 
tizes the  Albanian  language, 
58-59,  214-215;  maintains 
schools,  196,  214,  215,  216. 

Paulus  Emilius,  conquers  Epirus, 
15. 

Peacock,  John  Wadham,  on  the 
contributions  of  the  Albanian 
to  the  Greek  Revolution,  47 ; 
on  the  claims  of   the  Balkan 


252 


INDEX 


Allies,  92-93;  on  the  physical 
appearance  of  the  Albanian, 
189;  on  the  fall  of  the  Alba- 
nian State,  237. 

Pelasgians,  ancestors  of  the  Alba- 
nians, 4;  settlers  of  Epirus,  13. 

Permeti,  town  of,   197. 

Petsi,  Sotir,  establishes  first  Al- 
banian newspaper  in  the  United 
States,  227-228. 

Philip  of  Macedon,  11. 

Piccolomini,  General,  enters  Al- 
bania, 39. 

Pindus  Mountains,  Roumanians 
want  union  with  Albania,  239. 

Pius  II,  Pope,  organizes  crusade 
under  Scanderbeg,  32. 

Plutarch,  on  Epirus,   13-14. 

Pouqueville,  on  the  intelligence 
of  the  Albanian,  191. 

Praetorian  Guard,  composed  also 
of  Illyrians,  18. 

Primary  School,  of  Volona,  make 
up  of,  225. 

Prince,  The,  election  of,  123-125; 
deadlock  over  election  of,  123; 
importance  of  the  question, 
125. 

Provisional  Government,  forma- 
tion of,  79;  organizes  Albania, 
107-111;  cut  off  by  blockade, 
106;  influence  on  the  Albanian 
people,  108;  not  recognized  by 
the  Powers,  109  and  n. ;  power- 
less, 122,  127;  retires,  130; 
endeavors  to  reform  the  Farm- 
ers' Bank,  174;  opens  Normal 
and  Primary  schools,  225,  226. 

Public  Debt,  182-183. 

Pyrrhus,  of  Epirus,  14. 


Rada,    Girolamo    da,    Italo-Alba- 

nian  writer,  208. 
Radical    Nationalists,    Albanian, 

121. 
Railways,   projected,   178,   184. 
RashbuU,  engagement  of,   147. 
Refugees,   Albanian,    151-152. 
Regeneration,  50-60;  see  also  the 

Albanian  League. 


Religion,  attitude  of  the  Alba- 
nians toward,  201-204;  reli- 
gious differences  ignored  in  the 
schools,  214,  225,  226. 

Reparation,  for  Albania,  238. 

Repoulis,  Emm.,  Albanian-Greek 
statesman,  206. 

Revolts,  Albanian,  1571,  39; 
1689,  39;  1737,  39-40,  46,  54- 
55;  results  of  the  preceding, 
40;  against  the  Young  Turks, 
68-69;  results  of,  73-74;  of 
Dibra,  190. 

Rivalry,  Austro-Italian,  123; 
nearly  brought  about  clash, 
145 ;  disastrous  to  Albania, 
150-151. 

Roads,  16,  183. 

Rome,  influence  on  Albania,  9, 
16-17;  wars  with,  12-13,  14, 
15;  occupies  Albania,  15-16; 
Albania's  contributions  to, 
17-18. 

Roman  Catholics,  in  Albania, 
clergy,  194;  in  Northern  Alba- 
nia, 200. 

Roumania,  Albanian  societies  in, 
57;  Queen  Elisabeth  of,  124; 
delegation  from,  137;  minister 
to  Durazzo,  138;  Albanian  col- 
ony in,  210. 

Roze,  General,  47. 

Saar,  Captain,  of  the  Dutch  Mis- 
sion, 147. 

Sabel  Pasha,  Turkish  Governor 
of  Kroia,  29. 

Sacrum  Illyricum,  24. 

Santi  Quaranta,  Cretan  bandits 
land  at,  134;  seaport  of,  172. 

Scanderbeg,  remains  of  the 
stronghold  of,  9 ;  hostage,  27- 
28;  leaves  Turkish  camp,  29; 
returns  to  Albania,  31;  pro- 
claimed chief,  31 ;  fights  the 
Turks,  31-33:  goes  to  Italy, 
33:  appointed  Chief  of  Cru- 
sade by  Pius  II,  32;  transfers 
sovereignty  of  Albania  to  Ven- 
ice, 33;  successor  of,  124;  light 
cavalry  of,  176;  dance  of,  208. 


INDBZ 


253 


Schiro,  Prof.  Giuseppe,  Italo- 
Albanian  writer,  208. 

Schools,  Albanian,  prohibited  by 
the  Turks,  58,  214;  prohibition 
relaxed  and  then  renewed,  59, 
214-215;  religious  diflferences 
ignored  in,  225-226. 

Scotland,  Byron  likens  Albania 
to,   189. 

Scutari,  capital  of  Illyria,  1 1 ; 
capitulates  to  the  Turks,  34 ; 
fall  and  crisis  of  (1912),  100- 
102;  internationally  occupied, 
102;  administration  of,  127, 
130;  occupied  by  Montene- 
grins, 158;  lake  of,  171-172; 
population  of,  194. 

Selenitza,  pitch  mines  of,  180. 

Semani  or  Devol,  River,  171. 

Serbia,  11,  21  n.,  27,  51;  claims 
on  Albanian  territory,  74; 
attitude  toward  Albania,  77, 
91,  92-94,  100;  supports  Essad 
Pasha,  156;  Albanian  revolts 
against,  190. 

Serbians,  20,  23;  battle  of  Ku- 
manovo,  76 ;  approaching  Du- 
razzo,  78 ;  invade  and  retreat 
into  Albania,   158. 

Shar  Dag,  Mountains  of,  29  n., 
168,  170. 

Sheik-ul-Islam,  separation  from 
the,  110;  Moslem  Albanians  in 
the  United  States  sever  rela- 
tions with,  229.. 

Shirley  Benn,  Mr.,  M.  P.,  ques- 
tions put  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons by,  134. 

Sh.  Jak,  incident  of,  147 ;  prod- 
ucts of,  175. 

Shkumbi,  River,  dividing  Ghegs 
and  Tosks,  4,  171,  184,  187; 
Ghegs  and  Tosks  fuse  on  the, 
188. 

Silver,  plenty  of,  180. 

Simeon,   Czar,   20.   Sophia, 

Princess       of       Waldembourg, 
124. 

Southeastern  Boundary,  94-100 ; 
"Greek  documents,"  95;  pres- 
sure   on    the    population,    95; 


Orthodox  Albanians,  96; 
wrangling  of  the  London  Con- 
ference about  the,  99. 

Southern  Albania,  13;  invaded 
by  Bulgarians,  20;  by  the 
Normans,  21;  freed  from  the 
Venetians,  22;  divided  among 
the  feudal  lords,  26;  independ- 
ent oases,  34;  part  of  the  do- 
minion of  Ali  Pasha,  43;  re- 
volts, 46 ;  joins  insurrection  of 
1912,  68;  invaded  by  the 
Greeks,  77 ;  at  the  London  Con- 
ference, 95-100;  visited  by  the 
International  Boundary  Com- 
mission, 111;  camouflaging, 
113;  existence  of  Greek  schools 
in,  114;  influence  thereof  on, 
115;  becomes  a  gangrene,  119; 
coup  de  theatre  staged  by  the 
Greeks  in,  121;  evacuation 
evaded  by  the  Greeks,  131; 
sham  evacuation  of,  132-133; 
Greek  atrocities  in,  134;  war 
in,  141;  massacres  and  atroci- 
ties committed  bv  the  Greeks, 
141-142;  devastated  by  the 
Greeks,  151;  landowners  ex- 
pelled by  the  Greeks,  174;  so- 
cial conditions  in,  195-196; 
most  progressive  section  of 
Albania,  196-197. 

Stefan  Czernowitz,  31. 

Stefan  Dushan,  23,  24. 

Steinmetz,  Dr.,  on  the  economic 
prospects  of  Albania,  173. 

Steward,  Mr.,  M.  P.,  question  put 
in  the  House  of  Commons  by, 
134. 

St.  Jerome,  17,  241. 

St.  Paul,  preaches  Christianity 
to  the  Albanians.  17. 

Strabo,  4  and  n.,  187. 

Strahlheimb.  Dr.  Hans  von, 
quoted,  181;  on  the  chivalrv 
of  the  Albanians,  190-191. 

Suli,  Christian  Albanian  Com- 
munities of,  war  with  Ali 
Pasha,  44. 

Sylvester,  Pope,   17. 

Sykes,  Sir  Mark,  M.  P.,  question 


254 


INDEX 


put  in  the  House  of  Commons 
by,  133. 
Szigetvar,      Austrian      warship, 
prison  of  Essad  Pasha,  145. 


Taxation,  Turkish  system  of,  195. 

Taurus,  the  Prince  of  Wied 
comes  to  Albania  on  the  Aus- 
trian yacht,  153. 

Tchamouria,  included  in  Greece, 
119;  should  be  returned  to  Al- 
bania, 2.39. 

Tepelen,  birthplace  of  All  Pasha, 
43;  burned  by  the  Greelcs,  143; 
standing   of,    197. 

Teuta,  Queen  of  Illyria,  12. 

Thetis,    Albanian    form    of,    6. 

Thomson,  Colonel,  of  the  Dutch 
Mission,  killed  in  battle,    149. 

Thrace,  Albanian  settlements  in, 
210;  229. 

Tirana,  in  Tyrrhenus,  5;  out- 
break of,  146. 

Tittoni,  Count,  on  the  impor- 
tance of  Albania,  81. 

Tobacco,   176. 

Tomori,  Mount,   170. 

Toptani,  Family  of,   195. 

Tosks,  or  Southern  Albanians, 
derivative  of  Etruscus,  4 ;  char- 
acteristics of,    187. 

Triple  Alliance,  83,  127. 

Triple  Entente,  83,  127. 

Trieste,   11,   18,   175,   180. 

Turkey,  attacks  Albania,  27 ; 
wars  with  Albania  (see  Scan- 
derbeg),  31-34;  effects  of  Tur- 
kish conquest,  36-39;  revolts 
against,  39-47,  53-57,  67-70; 
encourages  Albanian  resistance, 
51-52;  suppressing  Albanian 
language  and  nationalism,  57- 
60;  211-223;  attitude  of  the 
Albanians  toward,  61-63;  un- 
der Abdul  Hamid  II,  63-66; 
under  the  young  Turks,  67 ; 
yields  autonomy  to  Albania, 
67-70;  effects  of  the  Albanian 
successes  on,  73;  Albanians 
forsake,  76;    ignores  Albanian 


independence,  80 ;  plots  against 
Albania,    128-129. 

Turkhan  Pasha,  Albanian  Pre- 
mier, 138. 

Turkish  Conquest,  The,  effects 
on  the  Albanians,  36-38;  nom- 
inal sovereignty,  36 ;  migra- 
tions, 36;  conversions  to  Islam- 
ism,  37,  201-202;  isolation,  38; 
"nation  in  arms,"  38. 

Turkish  Constitution,  65;  why 
the  Albanian  took  side  with 
the,  66;  Albanian  aspirations 
under  the,  223-224. 

Turkish  Custom  Authorities,  Sta- 
tistics of,  178. 

Turkish    Farmer's    Bank,    175. 

Tyrrheno-Pelasgians,  4. 

Tyrrhenus,  in  Tirana,  5. 

Ulysses,   in  Albanian,   6. 

Union  and  Progress,  Committee 
of,   66,   73. 

United  States,  The  Albanian  so- 
cieties in,  57,  216,  228-232; 
delegation  from,  137;  shadowy 
protection,  139;  Albanians  in, 
227-233;  list  of  Albanian 
newspapers   in,   230. 

Uskub,  taken  by  Albanian  insur- 
gents, 68. 

Valona,  seat  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  107;  refugees  ar- 
rive at,  122;  Turkish  plot  at, 
128;  occupied  by  Italians,  158; 
climate  of,  171;  seaport  of, 
172;   products  of,   175. 

Var  Efendem  Var,  67. 

Vatra,  The  Pan-Albanian  Fed- 
eration of  America,  231. 

Venice,  assumes  sovereignty  of 
Albania,  33-34 ;  gives  Alba- 
nia away,  34 ;  fought  by  Kara 
Mahmud  Pasha  of  Scutari,  42. 

Via  ^gitana  or  Egnatia,  4. 

Viosa,  (Voiussa),  River,  170, 
171;  navigable  of  old,  184. 

Vreto,  John,  Albanian  patriot, 
214. 

Vrioni,  Family  of,  195. 


INDEX 


255 


Wassa  Pasha,  Albanian  patriot 
and   poet,  214,  222,   223. 

War,  Balkan,  75-77 ;  Albanians 
and  Greeks,  141;  European, 
see  European  War. 

Weer,  General  de,  of  the  Dutch 
Mission,  129;  reports  on  the 
massacre  of  Kodra,    142. 

Wied,  Prince  William  of,  elec- 
tion and  biography,  124;  blun- 
ders of,  130,  137-138;  reign 
of,  13G-154;  reception  at  Du- 
razzo  of,  136;  inexperience  of, 
138;  results  of  the  blunders 
of,  138,  141 ;  compromises  his 
standing,  148;  leaves  Albania, 
153;  school  children  in  parade 
before,  226. 

Wiener  Bank  Verein,  concession- 


naire  of  the  National  Albanian 
Bank. 
Women,  Position  of  the  Albanian, 
198-120. 


Young  Turks,  The,  and  Albani- 
ans, 66;  Albanian  schools 
closed  and  newspapers  sup- 
pressed by,  66;  attempt  to 
change  the  Albanian  alphabet, 
67,  224-225;  revolts  against, 
68-69 ;  fall  of,  73 ;  plot  against 
Albania,  129. 

Zara,    Albanian    colony    of,    209. 
Zeus,   Albanian   form  of,  4,   6. 
Zographos,  Christaki,  131  and  n; 
143. 


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and  social  life  into  new  channels,  and  because  it  will  be 
necessary  for  us  to  restore  the  normal  order  as  quickly 
as  possible.  These  brief  statements  outline  the  task  of 
this  volume." 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Publishers     64-66  Fifth  Avenue     New  York 


China  and  the  World  War 

By  W.  REGINALD  WHEELER 

///.,  i^mo.  $1.75 

This  is  a  clear  and  succinct  account  of  affairs  in  China 
since  the  outbreak  of  the  war. 

Among  the  events  which  the  author  discusses  are  the 
relations  of  Japan  and  China ;  political  conditions  in 
China  with  the  conflict  between  republicanism  and  the 
monarchical  form  of  government ;  the  American-Japa- 
nese agreement,  and  the  Chinese-Japanese  alHance  for 
intervention  in  Siberia.  Dr.  Wheeler  sets  these  matters 
forth  in  a  simple,  straightforward  fashion  with  many 
citations  from  Chinese  papers  and  documents  which  pro- 
vide most  interesting  reading  for  Westerners. 

The  author  is  a  professor  in  Hangchow  Christian  Col- 
lege, is  a  friend  of  the  Chinese  Republic,  and  writes  with 
sympathy  and  understanding  of  Chinese  affairs. 

Mexico,  Today  and  Tomorrow 

By  EDWARD  D.  TROWBRIDGE 

Cloth,  i2mo.  $2.00 

This  is  a  comprehensive  statement  of  the  general  situ- 
ation in  Mexico — political,  social,  financial  and  economic 
— with  ancient  Mexico  and  the  Spanish  conquest  as  the 
background.  The  events  leading  up  to  the  recent  revo- 
lution, and  the  social  and  economic  troubles  following 
the  political  upheaval,  are  clearly  set  forth.  A  graphic 
picture  is  painted  of  life  in  Mexico,  during  the  chaos 
following  the  fall  of  the  Diaz  regime.  Mexico's  new 
constitution  and  her  international  relations  and  attitude 
toward  foreign  capital  are  reviewed,  and  the  financial, 
agrarian  and  educational  problems  which  face  her  gov- 
ernment are  dealt  with  at  length.  The  work  is  of  timely 
interest  as  an  up-to-date  study  of  Mexican  affairs. 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

Publishers     64-66  Fifth  Avenue     New  York 


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